of the company itself; but the civil and military government, Fox saw the growing change with alarm. He saw that all he admitted, required some other control than that of their resolutions and addresses produced no effect on the the company, yet even this, in his opinion, ought to be established in accordance with the convictions of the company. In truth, it was a bill rather calculated to win the good will of the East India Company-at that moment so critical to Pitt's ministry-than to reform the abuses of that body, and to protect the interests of the natives. Fox, with as much truth as personal feeling, designated the bill as the wisdom of an individual opposed to the collective wisdom of the commons of England. The bill was suffered to pass the second reading, but was thrown out, on the motion for its being committed, by two hundred and twenty-two against two hundred and fourteen. Fox then gave notice of his intention of bringing in a new bill of his own on India, and demanded to know from the ministers whether he might expect to proceed in security with it, or whether the house would be dissolved. Pitt did not answer; the question was repeated by other members, but Pitt continued silent, till general Conway said it was a new thing to see a minister sitting in sulky silence, and refusing to satisfy the reasonable desires of the house. He declared that the ministry originated in, and maintained themselves by, darkness, secrecy, and artifice, and were now about dissolving parliament after sending agents to bribe electors. This brought out Pitt with an indignant denial; but he preserved silence as to the probability of a dissolution. The debate was adjourned for half a day, and then resumed. Lord Charles Spencer, previous to this debate, had moved that the ministers retaining their posts after the strong expression of the house, was contrary to the principles of the constitution, and to the interests of the king and people. This, too, had been carried by a majority of twenty-one, and it was now thrown out in debate that a coalition betwixt the parties of Fox and Pitt was desirable. This was singular after so much abuse of coalitions had passed, but Fox appeared to listen to it. Pitt, however, observed drily, that a coalition not founded on principle would be fallacious and dangerous. These party tactics were continued with unwonted heat by the opposition on all occasions, till the house adjourned for three days, to meet again on the 29th, the opposition revelling in large majorities, though they were aware that both the king and the house of lords were adverse to them; but the country was also now growing weary of this unsatisfactory position of things, and began to sympathise with the great patience of Pitt rather than the tumultuous conduct of Fox and his friends. At this time of day, no ministry could have remained, like that of Pitt, in direct opposition to the majority, and the repeated votes of the house of commons; but Pitt was strong in the assurance of the adhesion of the crown and the peerage, and saw unmistakable signs of a revulsion in the feeling of the public. The majorities of the commons were themselves becoming every time less, and on the 16th the city of London had presented a strongly-expressed address to the king, declaring its approval of the late dismissal of ministers, and its opinion that the India bill of Fox was an encroachment on the prerogative of the crown. ministerial party; he did not dare to go further and pass a bill, either legislative or declaratory, for he felt that the lords would throw it out; and to stop the supplies, or delay the mutiny bill, would probably disgust and annihilate the very majority on which he depended. Under these circumstances, he probably saw with satisfaction further attempts at coalition. Mr. Grosvenor, the member for Chester, during the three days of the adjournment, called a meeting of members of both parties at the St. Alban's Tavern, for the purpose of seeing whether a coalition could not be formed, and thus put an end to this violent contest. About seventy members met, and an address to the duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt was signed by fifty-four. Pitt expressed his readiness to co-operate in such a plan, but the duke of Portland declared that the first indispensable step towards such a measure must be the resignation of the present ministers. This put an end to all hope of success. When the house met on the 29th, Fox adverted to this meeting at the St. Alban's Tavern, and still declared himself friendly to the attempt, but equally of opinion with the duke of Portland, that nothing could avail but a resignation of ministers, and he moved and carried another adjournment till the 2nd of February, to enable them to consider their real situation. On the 2nd, Mr. Grosvenor moved that nothing but a strong and united ministry could retain the confidence of the people, and put an end to the unhappy distractions of the country. This was carried, but Pitt remained unmoved; and then a second motion was carried by Coke, of Norfolk, declaring that the continuance of the present ministry in office was an obstacle to such a united and satisfactory administration. Pitt only replied that the house had rushed on from one motion to the other, all without effect, and that the two real paths open to the opposition were, impeachment of ministers, if they had committed any crimes, and an address to the crown. The latter idea was accepted by Mr. Coke, who moved and carried, by a majority of twentyfour, that the two resolutions of the house just passed should be laid before his majesty. He But at this crisis the house of lords, which had remained so far a passive spectator of this furious war in the commons, began to comment upon it in strong terms. The earl of Effingham condemned the proceedings of the opposition in the commons as a direct attack upon the prerogative of the crown, and the setting up of a new power. moved resolutions, declaring it most unconstitutional for one branch of the legislature to assume to itself the right to pass resolutions, attempting to impede or stop the executive power of the government, and to dispute the right of the crown to appoint to the great offices of the executive government. A long debate ensued, in which lords Fitzwilliam and Loughborough, and the duke of Manchester, opposed the resolu tions; and the duke of Richmond, the lord chancellor, and lord Sydney, supported the resolutions, which were both carried by one hundred against fifty-three, and an address to his majesty was also carried, in pursuance of the resolutions, to which the king immediately returned a most This was the signal for a general movement in the country. gracious answer. A.D. 1784.] ATTEMPT OF THE OPPOSITION TO OUST THE MINISTRY. $23 persons but those blinded by their passions that the king was not likely to give way. It only tended, however, to exasperate Fox and his party. On the 27th, when it was reported, lord Beaumont moved that it should be taken into consideration on Monday, the 1st of March, and to that day the house adjourned, thus deferring again the supplies and the mutiny bill. On the 1st of March Fox moved that a second address be carried up to the king by the whole house, representing the violence done to the constitution by a minister retaining his place after a vote of want of confidence by the commons, and insisting strongly on the right and duty of that house No sooner was the king's answer received, thus unequivocally demonstrating the feelings of his majesty as well as of the lords, than lord Beauchamp, whose measure was thus censured, moved that the journals of the house of lords should be searched for precedents, and then moved a string of six resolutions, sanctioning the proceedings of the opposition, which were carried by a majority of twenty-nine. But a different majority was rapidly growing out of doors. The address of the city of London had produced a succession of such, not, indeed, as in Westminster and Middlesex, without some opposition, but still bearing unmistakable evidence that the feelings of many constituencies were undergoing a rapid change. Fox himself had to advise his majesty on the exercise of his prerogative. imprudently dared the ministry to such a test. "Where," he exclaimed, “is that popularity of the present administration in which they confide? Why do not gentlemen call meetings; muster their friends and partisans, and carry their addresses to the house? Till this is done, till the fact is proved, I, for one, will question the truth!" The fact was now being rapidly proved: Worcester, Exeter, York, Edinburgh, and many other towns, made similar demonstrations. For three months, whilst the opposition in the house of commons were exulting on their majority, the majority amongst the people was rapidly sliding from them; and, whilst they were straining every nerve to prevent the dissolution of parliament, they were only more securely preparing their own fall, for Pitt and the government had been zealously at work everywhere undermining them. From the 11th of February to the 20th, the struggle went on, many endeavours being made, but without effect, to come to an agreement between the parties. On that day, Mr. Powys moved an address to his majesty, praying him to take measures for a strong and united administration. Fox complained bitterly, in this debate, of the load of obloquy which had been thrown upon him and his friends, for proposing the postponement of the supplies, as a fatal blow given to the national credit, and for his objection to an immediate dissolution of parliament. Most imprudently did Fox now censure the electors, as he had already and repeatedly censured the king; indeed, prudence, in his mortification on dismissal from office, seemed to have been annihilated. He declared that the people, at the present moment, were labouring under deception and delusionwere running upon their own ruin, and therefore it was an act of duty to resist them. Powys's motion was carried by a majority of twenty; and then Fox moved, and carried a resolution, that an address, founded on this, should be presented to his majesty. On the 25th the whole of the house, or rather of the opposition, went up with the address. His majesty replied that he was as desirous as the commons could be to form such an administration as they recommended, but that he could not see how the dismissal of his present ministers could promote that end, and he therefore trusted that his faithful commons would not wish for such a sweeping measure until there was a prospect of its answering the purpose, as, moreover, he had received many addresses from his subjects, commending strongly the late changes. This answer was so explicit that it might have convinced any Pitt replied, that, by attempting to force the king to decide contrary to his judgment, they were placing the sceptre under the mace; but the resolution was carried by a majority, though of twelve only, and on the 4th the address was carried up, when the king repeated that his sentiments remained the same. Fox, on the return of the house, moved that this answer should not be taken into consideration before the 8th, and till then the mutiny bill should remain in abeyance. The house on the 8th was excessively crowded, for a very warm debate was anticipated, but Sir James Lowther took an effectual means for preventing the public hearing the speeches of Fox and his friends, or even getting them reported. As soon as this motion was brought on he rose, and, asserting that he brought down a friend to hear the debates, but had found it impossible to obtain for him a seat in the gallery, he therefore inferred that there were strangers in the gallery not introduced by members, and moved that the gallery be cleared. Many members zealously opposed this motion, but Sir James persisted, and carried it. In consequence, the speech of Fox was very imperfectly reported, and Burke, who spoke for two hours, was not reported at all. Fox, however, moved that a third address be carried up to the king, expressing the surprise and affliction of the commons at the replies which his majesty had been advised to make to them, and that this should be in the form of an humble representation, which required no answer. Fox could not conceal his chagrin at the falling away of his majorities, nor refrain from stigmatising those who had ceased to support him, as men of whose society no one was even ambitious. Pitt scarcely cared to reply, for he saw too well that Fox was most effectually ruining his own cause, but Dundas vehemently exposed the absurdity and the mischief of the present proceeding. He declared it the final consummation of a monstrous outrage on the constitution. แ Why," he asked, "did Fox not claim the right for the house to negative his majesty's appointment of ministers without giving a single reason? Why send such an address to the king, at the same time forbidding any answer? The right honourable gentleman had not asked for the punishment of ministers, because they had committed no crime; he only asked for their removal, and the world would readily understand that he merely wanted their places." Fox did not escape without considerable triumphant ridicule from those who saw how matters were going. Sir Richard Hill repeated some burlesque verses which he had written upon him by the name of Carlo Khan, the name given to him in a very popular caricature issued during the progress of his first India Bill, in which he was riding as Mogul emperor into Delhi on an elephant, having the queer, fat face of North, and a hircarrah, equally like Burke, leading the elephant, as his trumpeter When the house came to divide about midnight, Fox was found to have carried his resolution, but only by a majority of one. This was the climax of defeat. The once triumphant opposition saw that all was over with them, and they gave up the contest. Never, in fact, had a great and powerful party so completely destroyed itself by rash and headlong intemperance. They had heaped upon themselves the censures of all parties, from the highest to the lowest; whilst their enemies, by a patient endurance, and an unwearied activity to turn their opponents' follies to account, had been constantly growing in public opinion. Nothing could have been more unconstitutional, more repugnant to the sense of English fairness, than the remaining in office of Pitt and his colleagues in the face of such marked majorities of the house of commons; and had Fox and his friends been content to wait the legitimate effect of this, they might have immensely profited by it. But they showed too plainly that they were more rabil for regaining office than anxious to labour for the interests of the nation, and they fell never to rise again for nearly twenty long years, through a succession of most momentous events. The supplies and the mutiny bill were now passed without much difficulty, but ministers did not venture to introduce an appropriation bill. On the 23rd, lord North, stating that the dissolution of parliament was confidently asserted out of doors, declared that such a dissolution, without passing an appropriation bill, would be an unparalleled insult to the house. He expressed his astonishment that the minister did not condescend to utter a syllable on the subject of the proposed change. Pitt, now confident of his position, replied that gentlemen might ask as many questions as they pleased; that he had adopted a course which he felt was advantageous to the country, and did not feel bound to enter then into any explanations. All mystery, however, was cleared up the next day, for the king went down to the house of lords and prorogued parliament, announcing that, under the particular circumstances, he felt it his duty to the constitution and the country to convoke a new parliament as speedily as possible. Accordingly, on the next day, the 25th of March, he dissolved parliament by proclamation. When the new parliament met, on the 18th of May, it was seen how completely Fox and North had destroyed their prestige by their late factious conduct, and how completely Pitt had made himself master of the situation. His patience and cool policy under the tempestuous assaults of the opposition had given the country a wonderful confidence in him. One party extolled him as the stanch defender of the prerogative, another as the champion of reform and enemy of aristocratic influence. Not less than one hundred and sixty of the supporters of the late coalition ministry had been rejected at the elections, and ridiculed as "Fox's Martyrs." The king, in opening the session, could not repress the air of triumph, and congratulated the houses on the declared sense of his people, not forgetting to designate Fox's India bill as a most unconstitutional measure. In fact, no one was so delighted as the king. He had contemplated the victory of Fox and his friends over Pitt with actual horror. He had never liked Fox, and the violent and overbearing manner in which he had endeavoured to compel the king to dismiss his ministers, had increased his aversion into dread and shuddering repugnance. In his letters to Pitt he had said, "If these desperate and factious men succeed, my line is a clear one, and to which I have fortitude to submit." Again: "Should not the lords stand boldly forth," alluding to lord Effingham's motion, “this constitution must soon be changed; for if the two remaining privileges of the crown are infringed, that of negativing the bills which have passed both houses of parliament, and that of naming the ministers to be employed, I cannot but feel, as far as regards my person, that I can be no longer of utility to this country, nor can, with honour, remain in the island." In fact, George was menacing, a second time, a retreat to Hanover; a step, however, which he was not very likely to adopt. The sentiment which the words really express is his horror of the heavy yoke of the great whig houses. The addresses from both houses of parliament expressed equal satisfaction in the change, Pitt's triumphant majority having now rejected the amendments of the opposition. On the 21st of June Pitt introduced and carried several resolutions, which formed the basis of his "Commutation Act." These went to check smuggling, by reducing the duty on tea from fifty to twelve and a half per cent., and to raise the window-tax so as to supply the deficiency. A bill was then passed to make good another deficiency in the civil list, to the amount of sixty thousand pounds. Early in August Mr. Pitt brought in his India bill, which differed chiefly from his former one in introducing a government board of commissioners, with power to examine and revise the proceedings of the court of directors. This, which has since acquired the name of the Board of Control, was strongly opposed by Fox, but passed both houses with little trouble. We shall enter more particularly into the merits of this measure in our approaching treatment of India affairs. Before this great measure had passed, Pitt had introduced his budget. On the 30th of June he made his financial statement. He stated that the resources of the country were in a very burthened and disordered state; but that was not his work, but the work of his predecessors. The outstanding arrears, owing to the late war, were already ascertained to amount at least to fourteen million pounds. These operated very injuriously on the public credit, being at a discount of from fifteen to twenty per cent.; and that, without greatly affecting the public securities, he should not be able to find more than six million six hundred thousand six hundred pounds of them at once. the interest, he proposed to raise taxes to the amount of nine hundred thousand pounds a-year. The impostssome entirely new, and some augmented-were on bats, ribbons, gauzes, coals, saddle and pleasure - horses, printed linens and calicoes, candles; licences to deal in exciseable commodities, bricks, and tiles; licences for shooting game; paper, and hackney coaches To meet A.D. 1784.] RESTORATION OF ESTATES FORFEITED BY SCOTTISH REBELS IN 1745. 325 The duties on bricks and tiles were most strongly opposed, at one hundred and seventy thousand pounds a-year. By as affecting brick-makers rather than the public, because the present plan, no member was to permit any letter to be stone and slates were not included. These duties were, addressed to him except at the place where he actually was; however, carried, and the bill passed; but, great discontent and he was required, in writing a frank, to give the name arising regarding the duties on coals and on licences to deal of the post town where he wrote it, with the dates of day in exciseable commodities, the chancellor of the exchequer and year, and to write himself the whole address. was obliged to produce a supplementary budget, and, after withdrawing these duties, to lay others on the sale of ale, on gold and silver plate, on the exportation of lead, on postage of letters, at the same time limiting the privilege of franking. The last great act of this session was one of genuine liberality, being the restoration of the estates forfeited by the Scottish rebels in 1745. Forty years had now elapsed since this forfeiture; the population of the highlands had become It was high time that the latter practice was put under regulation, for the privilege was enormously abused. Till this time, a simple signature of a member of parliament, without name of the post town whence it was sent, or date, freed a letter all over the kingdom. Many persons had whole quires of these signatures, and letters were also addressed to numbers of places where they did not reside, so that, by an arrangement easily understood, the persons they were really meant for received them post-free. The loss to government by this dishonest system was calculated VOL. V.-No. 236. as loyal as that of any other part of the kingdom; the estates had remained in trust under the crown, and it was a measure calculated particularly to conciliate the people of Scotland. Mr. Dundas introduced the bill, and observed that lord Chatham had been the first to put an end to the remembrances of past feuds, and had, with admirable success, called the inhabitants of the highlands to aid in the defence of the country at large. They had responded with a spirit and a valour that had been equally honourable to them and the nation, and he felt assured that, had the late ministry now been in office, they would have brought forward such a measure. Personally, he knew that lord North was anxious for it. and Sir Cecil Wray. The election was of the most violent kind, distinguished by drunkenness, riot, and abuses of every kind. It continued from April the 1st to the 16th of May, and the numbers on the poll-books, at its termination, for Sir Cecil Wray, 5,598. The prince of Wales had shown himself one of the most ardent partisans of Fox, all the more, no doubt, because Fox was detested by the king. The prince had displayed from his carriage the "Fox favour and laurel," and, at the conclusion of the poll, had given a grand fête at Carlton House to more than six hundred Foxites, all wearing "blue and buff." But Fox was not allowed to triumph so easily. The tory candidate, Sir Cecil Wray, as was well understood, instigated and supported by the government, demanded a scrutiny; and Corbett, the high bailiff, under the circumstances, could make no return of representatives for Westminster. As a scrutiny in so populous a district, and with the impediments which government and its secret service money could throw in the way, might drag on for a long period, and thus, as government intended, keep Fox out of parliament, he got himself, for the time, returned for a small Scotch borough, to the no small amusement of his enemies. Dundas did no more than justice to the opposition; they supported the measure cordially, and Mr. Fox strongly re-stood as follows:-For lord Hood, 6,694; for Fox, 6,233 ; commended that this graceful act of clemency should be extended to the heirs of the earl of Derwentwater, whose case was still stronger, it being then seventy years since the confiscation of those estates. Pitt did not respond to this challenge, and the bulk of these fine estates of lord Derwentwater have since been conferred on Greenwich Hospital; but the bill for Scotland went through the house of commons without even an adverse comment. In the lords, Thurlow made some grumblings over it as a removal of those severities which ought always to surround treason; but he begged that these might be taken as his thoughts and not as his objections, and added that, should the bill go into committee, he would absent himself and throw no further obstacle in its way. The bill therefore passed on the 18th of August, and, on the 20th, the appropriation bill and other measures of routine having been carried through with great triumph by the now strong ministry, the king prorogued the parliament, which did not meet again till the 25th of January following. Pitt had now firmly rooted himself in a power which for seventeen years he was destined, with unshaken security, to wield. Could the nation, however, at this period have foreseen the stupendous scenes into which his policy was to lead it, and the then inconceivable taxation which he was destined to impose, its horror would far have exceeded that of the king at the dreaded return of the whigs to power. CHAPTER X. REIGN OF GEORGE III. (Continued.) Scrutiny into the Westminster Election-Determined Attempt of Pitt's Almost immediately on the meeting of the house of commons, Welbore Ellis demanded whether a return had been made for Westminster, and being answered in the negative, moved that Mr. Corbett, the high bailiff, with his assessor, should attend the house; and the next day, February 2nd, colonel Fitzpatrick presented a petition from the electors of Westminster, complaining that they were not legally and duly represented. In fact, the scrutiny had now been going on for eight months, and as not even two of the seven parishes of Westminster were yet scrutinised, it was calculated that, at this rate, the whole process would Government to keep Fox out of Parliament as the Westminster Repre-require three years, and the city would, therefore, remain sentative-Fox triumphant-Obtains Damages from the High BailiffAffairs of Ireland-Formidable Aspect of the Volunteer Body-Their National Congress-Resolutions regarding the Trade of Ireland passed in the Irish Parliament-This introduced by Pitt to the English House of Commons, but there modified-These altered Resolutions rejected by the Irish Parliament-Pitt's Motion for Reform of Parliament - His Motion for Regulation of Offices-Pitt's Irish Taxes - Review of our Affairs with and carries it-Fresh Arrears of the Civil List-Duke of Richmond's Plan of Fortifying our Dockyards rejected-INDIAN AFFAIRS: Clive Returns to India in 1765-His Fame as Sahib Jung-He returns again to Holland since 1781-Pitt's Financial Measures-Proposes a Sinking Fund, England - War with Hyder Ali-Peace-Attacks in Parliament on Clive Chiefs at Poonah and with the French-Scindiah and Holcar-Francis and Hyder Ali and Sir Eyre Coote-Peace concluded with Tippoo Sahib- -Death of the Nabob of Arcot-Burke's Motions on Indian Affairs Papers on India demanded by Philip Francis-Impeachment of Hastings voted. Fox came into the new parliament in a very remarkable and anomalous position. In the election for Westminster, the candidates had been, beside himself, admiral lord Hood as long unrepresented. The high bailiff stated that the examinations, cross-examinations, and arguments of counsel were so long, that he saw no prospect of a speedy conclusion; and Mr. Murphy, his assessor, gave evidence that each vote was tried with as much form and prolixity as any cause in Westminster Hall; that counsel, and this applied to both sides, claimed a right to make five speeches on one vote; and that propositions had been put in on the part of Sir Cecil Wray to shorten the proceedings, but objected to on the part of Mr. Fox. On the 8th, the high bailiff was called again before the house on the occasion of another petition from the electors, but he declared that he had no authority to enforce greater speed, and that it would take more than three years from first to last, rather than less, to terminate the scrutiny. On this avowal, Mr. Welbore Ellis moved that the high bailiff should at once make a return. There was a warm debate. Mr. Windham, on this occasion, made his first speech in the house, with great effect. But the ministers, through lord Mulgrave, made and carried an amendment that the high bailiff should proceed to make a return when he thought it best. Fox complained bitterly of the conduct of Pitt in the course of this debate. He said, "He had always wished to stand well with the right honourable gentleman. He re |