TITLE II. OF THE OCCUPATION OF PRINTER.

3. Dating from January 1, 1811, the number of printers in each department shall be fixed, and that of the printers at Paris shall be reduced by a sixth.

5. The printers shall be commissioned and sworn.

6. At Paris they shall be required to have four presses, in the departments two.

9. The commission of printer shall be given by our director general of printing, and shall be subject to the approval of our minister of the interior; it shall be registered at the civil tribunal of the place of residence of the grantee, who shall there take oath not to print anything which is contrary to the duties towards the sovereign and the interest of the State.

TITLE III. OF THE POLICE FOR PRINTING.

Section I. Of the guarantee for the administration.

10. Printing or causing to be printed anything which can involve injury to the duties of subjects towards the sovereign or the interests of the State is forbidden.

II.

Each printer shall be required to have a book numbered and lettered by the prefect of the department, in which he shall register, by order of dates, the title of each work which he shall wish to print, and the name of the author, if it is known. This book shall be presented at every requisition, and examined and endorsed, if it is thought desirable, by any officer of police.

12. The printer shall immediately deliver or address to the director general of printing and bookselling, and in addition to the prefects, a copy of the transcript made upon his book; and the declaration that he has an intention of printing the work: he shall be given a receipt therefor.

The prefects shall give information of each of these declarations to our minister of the general police.

13. The director general can order, if it seems good to him, the communication and examination of the work, and can suspend the printing.

14. When the director general shall have suspended the printing of a work, he shall send it to a censor chosen from

among those whom we, upon the advice of the director general and the proposal of our minister of the interior, shall have ap. pointed to discharge that function.

15. Our minister of the general police, and the prefects in their departments, shall cause to be suspended the printing of all works which shall appear to them to be in contravention to article 10: in that case, the manuscript shall be sent within twenty-four hours to the director general, as is said above.

16. Upon the report of the censor, the director general shall indicate to the author the changes or suppressions deemed appropriate, and, upon his refusal to make them, shall forbid the sale of the work, shall cause the forms to be broken, and shall seize the sheets or copies already printed.

TITLE IV. OF BOOKSELLERS.

29. Dating from January 1, 1811, booksellers shall be commissioned and sworn.

30. The commissions for booksellers shall be given by our director general of printing, and shall be subject to the approval of our minister of the interior: they shall be registered at the civil tribunal of the place of residence of the grantee, who shall there take oath not to sell, circulate or distribute any work contrary to the duties towards the sovereign and the interest of the State.

33. For the future, warrants shall not be granted to booksellers who shall wish to establish themselves, except after they shall have furnished proof of their good life and morals and of their attachment to the fatherland and the sovereign.

TITLE V. OF BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD.

34. No book in the French or Latin languages printed abroad can enter France without paying an import duty.

35. This duty shall not be less than fifty per cent of the value of the work.

36. Independently of the provisions of article 34, no book printed or reprinted outside of France can be introduced into France without a permit from the director general of bookselling designating the custom house at which it shall enter.

87. The Frankfort Declaration,

December 1, 1813. British and Foreign State Papers, I, 911.

This manifesto of the Allied Powers was issued just as their armies were about to enter France. Its purpose as shown by various expressions in the document should be noticed. Its phraseology upon such points as the future of France and its boundaries also requires attention. The latter may be compared with that of the first draft as quoted by Fournier.

REFERENCES. Fournier, Napoleon, 648-650; Rose, Napoleon, II, 346-347; Lavisse and Rambaud, Histoire Generale, IX, 848-849.

The French Government has just ordered a new levy of 300,000 conscripts. The reasons of the senatus-consultum contain a provocation to the Allied Powers. They find themselves again called upon to promulgate in the face of the world the views which govern them in the present war, the principles which constitute the basis of their conduct, their views and their determinations.

The Allied Powers are not at war with France, but with that haughtily announced preponderance, that preponderance which, to the misfortune of Europe and of France, the Emperor Napoleon has for too long a time exercised outside of the boundaries of his Empire.

Victory has led the Allied Armies to the Rhine. The first use which their Imperial and Royal Majesties have made of victory has been to offer peace to His Majesty the Emperor of the French. An attitude reinforced by the accession of all the Sovereigns and Princes of Germany has not had any influence upon the conditions of peace. These conditions are founded upon the independence of the French Empire, as well as upon the independence of the other States of Europe. The views of the Powers are just in their object, generous and liberal in their application, reassuring for all, and honorable for each.

The Allied Sovereigns desire that France should be great, strong and happy, because the great and strong French Power is one of the fundamental bases of the social edifice. They desire that France should be happy, that French commerce should rise again, and that the arts, those blessings of peace, should flourish again, because a great people cannot be tran

quil except in as far as it is happy. The Powers confirm to the French Empire an extent of territory which France never knew under its Kings, because a valiant nation should not lose rank for having in its turn experienced reverses in an obstinate and bloody conflict, in which it has fought with its usual daring.

But the Powers also wish to be free, happy and tranquil. They desire a state of peace which, by a wise distribution of power and a just equilibrium, may preserve henceforth their peoples from the innumerable calamities which for the past twenty years have weighed upon Europe.

The Allied Powers will not lay aside their arms without having attained that great and beneficent result, that noble object of their efforts. They will not lay aside their arms until the political condition of Europe shall be again consolidated, until immutable principles shall have resumed their rights over vain pretensions, until the sanctity of treaties shall have finally assured a real peace for Europe.

Frankfort, December 1, 1813.

88. Address of the Corps-Legislatif to Napoleon.

December 28, 1813. Buchez and Roux, Histoire Parlementaire, ΧΧΧΙΧ, 456-458.

This address was drawn up after Napoleon had submitted to the Corps-Legislatif a portion of his correspondence with the Allies. Napoleon forbade its publication and as a sign of his displeasure dissolved the chamber. The document throws some light upon the state of France, its attitude towards Napoleon and the

war.

REFERENCES. Fournier, Napoleon, 650-652; Sloane, Napoleon, IV, 85-86: Rose, Napoleon, II, 347-348; Lavisse and Rambaud, Histoire Generale, IX, 849-853.

We have examined with a scrupulous attention the official documents which the Emperor has deigned to place before our eyes. We consider ourselves then as the representatives of the nation itself, speaking with open hearts to a father who hears us with benevolence. Filled with that sentiment so adapted to the elevation of our souls and to disengaging us from every personal consideration, we have dared to bring the truth to the

foot of the throne; our august sovereign could not suffer any other language.

[The omitted passage reviews the course of events from the cutbreak of the war with Russia to the end of the campaigu of 1813.]

Here, gentlemen, we must avow it, the enemy carried along by victory to the banks of the Rhine has offered to our august monarch a peace which a hero accustomed to so much success must have found strange indeed. But if a manly and heroic sentiment dictated to him a refusal before the deplorable state of France had been ascertained, that refusal cannot be reiterated without imprudence when the enemy is already breaking the frontiers of our territory. If the matter here in question had been the discussion of disgraceful conditions, His Majesty would have deigned to reply only by making known to his people the projects of the foreigners; there is no wish, however, to humiliate us, but to confine us within our limits and to repress the soaring of an ambitious activity so fatal for twenty years past to all the peoples of Europe.

Such proposals seem to us honorable for the nation, since they prove that the foreigner fears and respects us. It is not he who sets limits to our power, it is the terrified world which invokes the common right of nations. The Pyrenees, the Alps and the Rhine enclose a vast territory of which several provinces were not held by the Empire of the Lilies, and yet the royal crown of France was radiant with glory and majesty among all the diadems.

Furthermore, the Protectorate of the Rhine ceases to be a title of honor for a crown, from the moment when the peoples of that confederation disdain that protection.

It is obvious that here there is no question of a right of conquest, but of a title of alliance useful only to the Germans. A powerful hand was assuring them of its assistance; they wish to slip away from that benefaction as from an insupportable burden; it is consistent with the dignity of His Majesty to abandon to themselves those peoples who are hastening to range themselves under the yoke of Austria. As for Brabant, since the allies propose to adhere to the bases