of the treaty of Lunéville, it seems to us that France could sacrifice without loss provinces difficult to retain, in which the English spirit dominates almost exclusively, and for which. finally, commerce with England is a necessity so indispensable that these districts have been languishing and impoverished as long as our domination has lasted. Have we not seen patrician families exiling themselves from Dutch soil, as if devastating scourges had pursued them, and taking to the enemy the wealth and industry of their fatherland? Doubtless it does not take courage to make the heart of our sovereign hear the truth; but we should be bound to expose ourselves to all perils, we should prefer to incur disgrace from him rather than to betray his confidence, and to expose our lives rather than the safety of the nation which we represent.

Let us not dissemble: our ills are at their height; the fatherland is threatened at all points upon its frontiers; commerce is annihilated, agriculture languishes, industry is expiring; and there is not a Frenchman who has not in his family or his fortune a cruel wound to heal. Let us not be weighed down by these facts; the agriculturalist has not prospered for five years past; he barely lives, and the fruits of his labors serve to augment the treasure which is annually exhausted in the supplies which the constantly ruined and famished armies demand. The conscription has become for all France an odious Scourge, because that measure has always been overdone in execution. For the past two years the gathering in has occurred three times per year; a barbarous and aimless war has swallowed up youths torn away from education, agriculture, commerce and the arts. Are the tears of mothers and the pains of the people then the patrimony of kings? It is time that the nations should be in repose; it is time that the Powers should cease clashing and tearing each others' entrails; it is time that the thrones should be strengthened and that France should cease to be reproached with wishing to carry into all the world revolutionary torches. Our august monarch, who shares the zeal that animates us and who is burning to consolidate the welfare of his peoples, is the only one capable of performing that great work. Love of military honor and of conquests can seduce a magnanimous heart; but the genius of a true hero, who spurns a glory achieved at the ex

pense of the blood and repose of the people, finds his true grandeur in the public felicity which is his work. French monarchs have always gloried in holding their crown from God, the people and their sword, because peace, morality and power are, with liberty, the firmest support of empires.

89. Treaty of Chaumont,

March 1, 1814. De Clercq, Traites, II, 395-399. Translation, Herstlet, Map of Europe by Treaty, 2043-2048.

This treaty in terms includes only Austria and Russia, but Great Britain and Prussia were included in similar treaties formed at the same time. Although dated March 1 the treaty was not actually signed until March 9. The terms alluded to in article 1 were those offered to Napoleon at the Congress of Châtillon. As the most comprehensive and typical of the series of treaties which created and controlled the alliance against France the terms of this document should be carefully noted.

REFERENCES.

II, 370-371.

Fournier, Napolcon, 665-666; Rose, Napoleon,

His Imperial Majesty and Royal Highness the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and of Bohemia, His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, His Majesty the King of Prussia, having forwarded to the French Government proposals for the conclusion of a general peace, and desiring, in case France should refuse the conditions of that peace, to draw closer the bonds which unite them for the vigorous prosecution of a war undertaken with the salutary purpose of putting an end to the misfortunes of Europe by assuring future repose through the re-establishment of a just equilibrium of the Powers, and wishing at the same time, if Providence blesses their pacific intentions, to settle the methods of maintaining against every attack the order of things which shall have been the happy result of their efforts, have agreed to sanction by a solemn Treaty, signed separately by each of the four Powers with the other three, this double engagement.

I. The High Contracting Parties above named solemnly engage by the present Treaty, and in the event of France refusing to accede to the Conditions of Peace now proposed, to apply all the means of their respective States to the vigorous prosecution of the War against that Power, and to employ them in perfect concert, in order to obtain for themselves and for Europe a General Peace, under the Protection of which the Rights and Liberties of all Nations may be established and secured.

This engagement shall in no respect affect the Stipulations which the several Powers have already contracted relative to the number of Troops to be kept against the Enemy; and it is understood that the Courts of England, Austria, Russia, and Prussia engage by the present Treaty to keep in the field, each of them, 150,000 effective men, exclusive of garrisons, to be employed in active service against the common Enemy.

2. The High Contracting Parties reciprocally engage not to treat separately with the common Enemy, nor to sign Peace, Truce, nor Convention, but with common consent. They, moreover, engage not to lay down their Arms until the object of the War, mutually understood and agreed upon, shall have been attained.

3. In order to contribute in the most prompt and decisive manner to fulfill this great object, His Britannic Majesty engages to furnish a Subsidy of £5,000,000 for the service of the year 1814, to be divided in equal proportions amongst the three Powers; and His said Majesty promises, moreover, to arrange before the 1st of January in each year, with their imperial and Royal Majesties, the further succours to be furnished during the subsequent year, if (which God forbid) the War should so long continue.

5. The High Contracting Parties, reserving to themselves to concert together, on the conclusion of a peace with France, as to the means best adapted to guarantee to Europe, and to themselves reciprocally, the continuance of the Peace, have also determined to enter, without delay, into defensive engagements for the Protection of their respective States in Europe against every attempt which France might make to infringe the order of things resulting from such Pacification.

6. To effect this, they agree that in the event of one of the High Contracting Parties being threatened with an Attack on the part of France, the others shall employ their most strenuous efforts to prevent it, by friendly interposition.

7. In case of these endeavours proving ineffectual, the High Contracting Parties promise to come to the immediate assistance of the Power attacked, each with a body of 60,000 men.

9. As the situation of the Seat of War, or other circumstances, might render it difficult for Great Britain to furnish the stipulated succours in English troops within the term prescribed, and to maintain the same on a War establishment, His Britannic Majesty reserves the right of furnishing his contingent to the requiring Power in Foreign Troops in his pay, or to pay annually to that Power a sum of money, at the rate of £20 per man for infantry, and of £30 for cavalry, until the stipulated succour shall be complete.

13. The High Contracting Parties mutually promise, that in case they shall be reciprocally engaged in hostilities, in consequence of furnishing the stipulated Succours, the party requiring and the parties called upon, and acting as Auxiliaries in the War, shall not make Peace but by common consent.

15. In order to render more effectual the Defensive Engagements above stipulated, by uniting for their common defence the Powers the most exposed to a French invasion, the High Contracting Parties engage to invite those Powers to accede to the present Treaty of Defensive Alliance.

16. The present Treaty of Defensive Alliance having for its object to maintain the equilibrium of Europe, to secure the repose and Independence of its States, and to prevent the Invasions which during so many years have desolated the World, the High Contracting Parties have agreed to extend the duration of it to 20 years, to take date from the day of its signature; and they reserve to themselves to concert upon its ulterior prolongation three years before its expiration, should circumstances require it.

90. Documents upon the Transition to the Restoration Monarchy.

As a group these documents show how the government of France passed from Napoleon to Louis XVIII. Taken separately several of them are of additional interest. Document A should be compared with No. 87. The indictment of the Napoleonic régime drawn in document C deserves careful attention. Documents D and F should be compared. The character of the system of government which the Senate in document E proposed to establish should be compared with that actually established by No. 93.

REFERENCES. Fournier, Napoleon, 672-678; Rose, Napoleon, II, 389-398: Seignobos, Europe Since 1814, 104-105; Lavisse and Rambaud, Histoire Generale, IX, 881-888.

A. Proclamation of the Ailies. March 31, 1814. De Clercq, Traites, II, 400-401.

The armies of the Allied Powers have occupied the Capital of France. The Allied Sovereigns honor the wish of the French nation; they declare:

That if the conditions of peace should include some stronger guarantees when dealing with the enchaining of the anbition of Bonaparte, they must be more favorable when, by a return to a wise government, France itself shall offer assurance of repose. The Sovereigns proclaim in consequence:

That they will no longer treat with Napoleon Bonaparte, nor with any member of his family.

That they respect the integrity of ancient France, as it was under its legitimate Kings; they can even do more, because they will always respect the principle, that for the welfare of Europe it is necessary that France should be great and strong.

They will recognize and guarantee the Constitution which the French nation shall give itself. In consequence, they invite the Senate to designate immediately a Provisional Government which can look after the needs of the administration and prepare the Constitution which shall be appropriate for the French People.

The intentions which I have just expressed are common to all the Allied Powers. ALEXANDER.

Paris, March 31, 1814.