The following is a résumé of the mineral production during the past year: Org en barras, en productos metalúrgicos y en minerales. (Gold in bars, in metallurgical products and minerals) Libras. Plata id. id. (silver). ..kilograms.. Cobre (copper) ...tons.. Plomo (lead). .do.... Petróleo bruto (raw petroleum). .do.... Carbón (coal). .do.... Sal (salt) .do.... 21, 083 21, 038 Boratos (borates) Niquel (nickel). Azogue (quicksilver) .do... 1,554 340 Bismuto (bismuth). 5,000 Molibdeno y vanadio en pequeña cantidad. (Vanadium in small amounts.). Total. 1,636, 179 The production and value of some of our principal agricultural products during 1905 were as follows: SIR: I am in receipt of special instructions from the minister for foreign affairs of Peru to invite your excellency to stop over at Lima on your excellency's forthcoming trip to South America. It is the endeavor of my Government to receive the visit of the Secretary of State of the United States that he may be the recipient of personal expressions of the old, sincere, and cordial friendship that have so happily united Peru to this Republic. My countrymen will feel greatly honored with your excellency's visit, and will be very pleased should the opportunity present itself when your excellency may personally get acquainted with the true and unanimous enthusiasm with which they appreciate and support the American policy of justice and close friendship pursued by your excellency in the foreign relations of this great nation with the republics of the south. Accept, etc., FELIPE PARDO. The Secretary of State to the Peruvian Minister. Washington, March 31, 1906. MY DEAR MR. PARDO: I have now been able to ascertain the length of time which will be necessary for me to pass from place to place during my projected visit to South America with sufficient accuracy to determine that I shall be able to visit Peru, and I beg you to convey to the minister for foreign affairs my grateful acceptance of his very courteous invitation to visit Lima. I shall probably be able to reach Lima about the second or third week of September. It will be a very great pleasure to me to meet the distinguished men who control the policy of Peru, and I shall hope that a more complete understanding and sympathy between the two countries may have the result of making still more effective, for the benefit of both, the friendship and good will which have long existed between them. Faithfully, yours, No. 1287.] ELIHU ROOT. Minister Dudley to the Secretary of State. AMERICAN LEGATION, Lima, Peru, September 20, 1906. SIR: I have the honor to mention that this Government has now in preparation a pamphlet which is to contain an illustrated account of your memorable visit to Peru, and the speeches you made at Lima and Callao, and on the excursion given in your honor to Chicla over the transandine railway. It will also include the speeches (with English version) to which yours responded. Copies are promised me for transmission to the department within two or three weeks. The notable impulse in advancement of improved international relations, produced by your sojourn and public utterances here, continues since your departure to be evidenced by the cordiality with which the satisfaction over your visit is expressed by the Government, the people, and the press of the country. I called yesterday, accompanied by Secretary Neill, upon President Pardo and each member of his cabinet to manifest this legation's appreciation of the generous hospitality and the many marks of respect and honor shown my chief. I have the honor, etc., IRVING B. DUDLEY. [Inclosure 1.] Speech of His Excellency Doctor José Pardo y Barreda, President of the Republic of Peru, at a banquet given by him to Mr. Root at the Government Palace in Lima, on September 10, 1906. [Translation from the Spanish.] YOUR EXCELLENCY MR. ROOT: With the most sincere good will, I cordially welcome you in the name of my country and of its Government, and I believe I faithfully interpret the sentiments that rule in Peru in telling you of its sincere good will toward the United States, their illustrious President, and toward your own distinguished person. These feelings which unite the two countries began in the dawn of independence, because the founders of the great Republic showed our forefathers the way to become free; and they strengthened us from the first days of our independen, ife by the safeguard which the admirable foresight of another great statesman of your country placed around American soil. Since then the closest friendship unites the two nations. Peru has received from the United States proofs of a very special deference, and has appreciated the efforts made by your Government to establish political relations between the American peoples upon the basis of right. In this most noble aspiration, worthy of the greatness of your country, Peru, on her part, unreservedly acquiesces. The lofty ideas which you have expressed since your arrival in South America, the frank expressions of cordiality, the concepts of stimulus and aid to induce us, the Americans of the South, to work in the same way as those of the North, with earnestness and unflinching hope in the future, have in every breast the most pleasing echo, and they direct toward your person the most lively sympathy. Closely associated fellow-worker with the illustrious statesman who rules the destinies of your country, to you belongs, in a great measure, the acclamation with which America and the entire world would greet the great nation which has constituted the most perfect democratic society, which made the most surprising progress in industrial and economic order, and which placed the prestige of its greatness in the service of peace all over the world. Gentlemen, I invite you to drink to the United States; to its President, Mr. Roosevelt; and to its Secretary of State, Mr. Root. I thank you sincerely, both in my own behalf and in behalf of my country, for your kind welcome and for the words, full of friendship and of kindly judgment, you have uttered regarding my country and regarding her servants, the President and myself. The distinguished gentleman who represents Peru in the capital of the United States of America, and who shares with you, sir, the inheritance of a name great and honored, not only in Peru but wherever the friends of constitutional freedom are found-in his note of invitation to me, upon which I am now a visitor to your city, used a form of expression that has dwelt in my memory, because it was so true. He spoke of the old, sincere, and cordial friendship of our two countries-that is indeed true of the friendship of the United States of America and the Republic of Peru. It is an old friendship, a sincere friendship, and a cordial friendship. I have come here not to make new friends, but to greet old ones; not to make a new departure in policy, but to follow old and honored lines; and I should have thought that in coming to South America in answer to the invitations of the different countries, all down the east and up the west coast, to have passed by Peru would indeed be to have played Hamlet with Hamlet left out. It is still a more natural and still a stronger impulse to visit Peru now as a part of a mission of friendship and good will, when the relations between the two countries are about to become drawn closer together materially. The completing of the canal across the Isthmus of Panama will make us near neighbors as we have never been before, so that we may take our staterooms at the wharf at Callao or at New York and visit each other without change of quarters during the journey. And no one can tell what the effect of the canal will be. We do know that nothing of the kind was ever done before in human history without producing a most powerful effect upon mankind. The course of civilization, the rise and fall of nations, the development of mankind, have followed the establishment of new trade routes. No one can now tell what the specific effect of the cutting of the canal across the Isthmus may be, but the effect will be great and momentous in the affairs of the world. Of this we may be certain, that for the nations situated immediately to the south and immediately to the north of the canal there will be great change in their relations with the rest of the world; and it is most gratifying to know that this great work which the United States of America is now undertaking-the cost of which she does not ever expect to get back-a work which she is doing not merely for her own benefit, but because she is moved by the belief that great things are worth doing, is going to bring great benefits to the entire world, and to her old friend and her good friend, the Republic of Peru. I thank you, Mr. President, for your kind reception, and I beg you to permit me to ask the gentlemen here to join me in proposing in behalf of President Roosevelt the health and long life and prosperity of the President of Peru. [Inclosure 3.] Speech of His Excellency Javier Prado y Ugarteche, ninister for foreign affairs, at a banquet given by him at the Union Club, to Mr. Root and his family, in Lima, September 11, 1906. [Translation from the Spanish.] HONORABLE MR. ROOT, LADIES, AND GENTLEMEN : It is with the liveliest feelings of consideration and sympathy that I have the honor to offer this manifestation to His Excellency Mr. Elihu Root, Secretary of State of the United States of America. Yielding to the generous impulses of your heart of an American, and of your brain of a thinker and of a statesman, you have felt a desire, Mr. Root, to visit these countries, to address them words of friendship and of interest in their welfare in the name of the honorable Government which you represent, and to shed over this continent the rays of the noble ideal of American confraternity. Your visit will undoubtedly produce fruitful results on behalf of liberty and of justice, of peace and of progress, of order and of improvement, which you have proclaimed as being the highest principles inspiring the policy of the United States in the special mission for which their peculiar virtues and energy have marked them out in the destiny of humanity. When those austere individuals of the American independence laid the foundations of the great Republic of the North, and gave it its constitution, they were not inspired by narrow-minded ideas or by selfish and transitory interest, but by a profound conviction of the rights of man and a deep feeling of liberty and of justice, which, in its irresistible consequences, would bring about the social and political transformation which came to pass in the world at the end of the eighteenth century, and was destined to constitute the gospel of liberty and of democracy in our modern régime. This same people, although still in its youth, did not hesitate, shortly after, all alone, to guarantee the independence of all the American countries, placing before the great powers of the world the pillars of Hercules of the Monroe Doctrine, forming an impassable gateway to a free and unconquerable America. To-day this same people excites the admiration of the whole world by its grandeur. Its Government brings to its level the harmony of humanity; reestablishes, on the one hand, peace between the empires of Europe and of Asia, and, on the other, between the republics of Central America; patronizes the Congress of The Hague, and in it obtains the recognition of the personality of the American nations, and further delays its approaching reunion in order that the Pan-American Congress in Rio de Janeiro may previously hold its sessions; thus giving proof of the interest it takes, with equal concern, in the future of the peoples civilized for a century, and also in that of the countries just commencing their existence. The American Constitution, the Monroe Doctrine, together with the policy of President Roosevelt, and of his Secretary of State, Mr. Root, give utterance in this manner, through the pages of history, to the same language of liberty, of justice, humanity, and Americanism. How deep is the lesson to be learned from these facts! The ancient ideas founded right upon force, the régime of the social bodies was that of privilege, and the individual efforts were tied down by bonds imposed in name of the authorities. The modern ideas, such as the United States proclaim, found all right upon justice, and the social régime upon liberty and equality. The human being is not an instrument for the display of arbitrary power, but is the whole object of social life, the mission of which is the development of its energies, its moral conscience, the improvement and welfare of individuals and of nations. According to the ancient ideas, the greatness of the nations was measured by their military power and by the limits of their conquests of force. According to modern ideas, a represented by the United States, the greatness of nations is measured by the conquests obtained by individual and collective efforts, thereby creating the fruitful and happy reign of truth, of justice, of labor, and of peace. War was formerly a glory; nowadays it is a calamity. Later on it will be condemned as the sad ancestral remains of barbarism and savagery. The evolution of ideas is that which now rules the world, and if people do not always comprehend this fact it is because the selfish and personal prejudices, passions, and interests disturb and impair their judgment. In modern progress, the régime of privilege and of force can no longer create rights or lend security for the future or the aggrandizement of nations; and nowadays those individuals do not render a service to their native land who, while they sacrifice permanent interests, think they can calculate the meridian of their country by the artificial reflections of a moment, transitory and perishable. The régime of force or of armed peace consumes the vital forces and the resources of nations; and then from the abyss of inequality, of affliction, and danger produced, bursts forth once more the social and political problem demanding, with threats, the reform of the evil, and laying down the maxim that only an ideal and a régime of justice, of liberty, and of human solidarity can possibly stand forth, firm and unshaken, amidst the ruins in which the wild ideas of greatness held by the military powers of the world must remain buried forever. It is not by means of a régime of imposition and of force, but by that of liberty, peace, and labor, that the United States of America has been enabled to form a marvelous abode of vitality and human progress; and its Government, with a perfect insight into the greatness of that country and of its destiny, to-day addresses the present and the future of our world, and with special interest explains to America what are the only paths that will lead the nations following them to the attainment of tranquillity and well-being. Once that existence is obtained, you have said, Mr. Root, that it is necessary to live and advance worthily and honorably, and that this object can not be attained by a régime of domestic oppression and of privilege, nor by the external one of isolation or of war, but by that of liberty, order, justice, economical progress, moral improvement, intellectual advance, respect for the rights of others, and a feeling of human solidarity. You have clearly stated: * "No nation can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation's growth is a part of the development of the race. A people whose minds are not open to the lessons of the world's progress, whose spirits are not stirred by the aspirations and achievements of humanity struggling the world over for liberty and justice, must be left behind by civilization in its steady and beneficent advance." In the life of nations there must always prevail an ideal and a harmony of right, of liberty, of peace, and fraternity, although this can only be obtained by persevering efforts and by sacrifices, and a long and distressing march. It is necessary to "labor more for the future than for the present," and unite together all the nations engaged in the same great task, inspired by a like ideal and professing similar principles. In accordance with these highly elevated ideas you have given utterance to a profession of faith, setting forth the policy of the United States in the following memorable declarations: "We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and equal right of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights, or privileges, or powers that we do not freely concede to every American republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger · together. 46 Within a few months for the first time the recognized possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents can be, and I hope will be, represented with the acknowledged rights of equal sovereign states in the great world congress at The Hague. This will be the world's formal and final ac |