ceptance of the declaration that no part of the American continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies, so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our Republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show that for all races of men the liberty for which we have fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace. Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective an all-American public opinion whose power shall influence international conduct and prevent international wrong, and narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts, and happiness for us all." Peru has read your words, Mr. Root, with profound attention. She is proud to say that in the modest sphere she occupies in the concert of nations she accepts your phrases and ideas as her own, and declares that they also constitute her profession of faith as regards her international policy. With your superior judgment you have exactly comprehended the difficulties, critical moments, and convulsions which the countries of this continent have had to undergo in order to establish a republican government, together with a régime of liberty and democracy. They are still in the first period of their development and have yet many problems to solve. To develop the immense resources and wealth with which nature has so wonderfully endowed these countries; to render their territory accessible to labor and civilization by opening up means of communication, granting all kinds of facilities and giving security for the life, health, and welfare of their inhabitants; to obtain the population which their immense territories require; to educate and instruct the people, making them understand their personality, their liberty, their duties, and their rights; to develop their faculties and energies, their labor forces, their industrial and commercial capacity and power; to elevate their moral dignity; to consolidate and strengthen the national unity; to insure definitely the government of the people, in justice, in order, and in peace; to attract capital and foreign immigration; to develop and give impulse to the commercial relations with other countries; to maintain a frank and true international harmony and solidarity; to respect all mutual and reciprocal rights and settle all disagreements by friendly, just, and honorable means-to perform, in short, a work of human civilization; these are undoubtedly the points which ought to occupy, first of all, the thoughts of the administration of these countries, in order to secure their tranquility, their welfare, and their aggrandizement, just as the United States have done, owing to the genius of their race and the power of their ideals. If the nations of America, instead of living apart from each other and separated by mistrust, threats, and quarrels-which unsettle them, rendering their energy and development fruitless, just as they have kept up a state of anarchy, for a long time, in their internal existence-would unite themselves together by the natural ties which the community of their origin, of their civilization, of their necessities, and their destinies clearly indicate, we should then witness the realization of the idea which you have conceived of a great, prosperous, and happy America; the union of sister Republics, free, orderly, laborious, lovers of justice, knowledge, sciences, and arts, cooperating, each one and all of them, worthily and effectively, to the realization of the great work of human civilization and culture. The standard and observance of justice should bring about the definite disappearance of the disagreements which may have caused separation among the South American countries, just in the same way as family quarrels are effaced on the exhibition of a just and generous sentiment of sincere brotherhood and harmony which vibrates throughout this continent as an intense aspiration of the American soul and as a noble ideal of concord and of justice. It is never too late to recognize what is right and to proceed with rectitude. My memory suggests an important event which occurred some few years back in the history of the relations between Peru and the United States, described most correctly by the representative of your Government as one of those most worthy of note in the annals of diplomacy. I refer to the serious question which arose in 1852 between our respective countries relative to the Lobos guano islands, when the United States held that they did not belong to the territory and sovereignty of Peru, and that as they had been occupied by American citizens your country would uphold these parties in the work of exploitation; but as soon as the Government of the United States, after a lengthened and lively controversy, became convinced of the right which Peru had on her side it at once spontaneously put an end to the question by a memorable note of its Secretary of State, recognizing the absolute sovereignty of Peru over those islands and declaring that "he makes this avowal with the greater readiness, in consequence of the unintentional injustice done to Peru, under a transient want of information as to the facts of the case." a When powerful nations, laying to one side the instruments of oppression and violence which they have in their hands, rise to such a height of moral elevation, universal respect and sympathy then form the unfading halo of their grandeur. And thus it happened with the United States of America; and Peru has now the honor once more to express its consideration and thanks for the generous friendship and constant interest with which the United States have always paid attention to everything affecting the welfare and progress of our country. Peru, which is the depository of the secrets of wondrous and unknown civilizations; which possesses great historical traditions; which was long ago the metropolis of this continent, and then a Spanish colony; which has an enormous extent of territory, with the most varied and wonderful climates and wealth; after grievous domestic and foreign vicissitudes, has firmly taken in hand the great work of its reorganization; has acquired the knowledge of its public and private duties; has given vigor to its character and to its spirit of enterprise; has founded industries and labor centers; foments its agriculture, mining, and commerce; is using every effort to foster public instruction, increasing the number of schools throughout the country and giving civic education to its children; constructing railroads and public works of national and future interest; opening the minds and intelligence of its people to the currents of culture and modern progress, and endeavoring to establish a solid and well-directed public administration; her fiscal revenues, her trade, and the general capitalization of fortunes have reached in a few years an extraordinary development which demonstrates the potentiality of the country; enjoying public peace, she is using every effort to maintain a policy of frank understanding and friendship with all nations, and sustains the principle of arbitration for the solution of all her international controversies, thus giving evident proof of the rectitude of her sentiments, and that the only settlements which she defends and to which she aspires are the honorable settlements dictated by right. These ideas are likewise yours, Mr. Root. And I invite you, gentlemen, to unite with us in expressing the hope that the principles proclaimed by our enlightened guest, to whom we to-day offer the deep homage of our respect and sympathy, may everlastingly rule in America. [Inclosure 4.] Reply of Mr. Root. Mr. MINISTER, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN : I should be insensible, indeed, were I not to feel deeply grateful for your courtesy, your hospitality, and your kindness; nor can I fail to be gratified by the words of praise which you, Mr. Minister, have spoken of my beloved country, and by that hearty and unreserved approval with which you have met my inadequate expression of the sentiments that the people of my country feel toward their sister republics of South America. The words which you have quoted, sir, do represent the feelings of the people of the United States. We are very far from living up to the standards which we set for ourselves, and we know our own omissions, our failings, and our errors; we know them, we deplore them, and we are constantly and laboriously seeking to remedy them; but we do have underneath as the firm foundation of constitutional freedom the sentiment which were expressed in the quotations which you have made. a Mr. Everett to Señor Osma, Nov. 16, 1852. No government in the United States could maintain itself for a moment if it violated those principles; no act of unjust aggression by the United States against any smaller and weaker power would be forgiven by the people to whom the Government is responsible. Mr. Minister, my journey in South America is drawing to a close. After many weeks of association with the distinguished men who control the affairs of the South American republics, after much observation of the widely different countries which I have visited, it is with the greatest satisfaction that I find, in reviewing the new records of my mind, that the impressions with which I came to South America have been confirmed-the impression that there is a new day dawning, a new day of industry, of enterprise, of prosperity, of wider liberty, and more perfect justice among the people of the southern continent. I find that the difference between the South America of to-day and the South America as the records show it to have been a generation ago is as wide as the difference marked by centuries in the history of Europe. Why is it? You are the same people-not so much better than your fathers. The same fields offered to the hand of the husbandman their bounteous harvests then as now; the same incalculable wealth slept in your mountains then as now; the same streams carried down from your mountain sides the immeasurable power ready to the hand of man for the production of wealth then as now; the same ocean washed your shores ready to bear the commerce of the world then as now. Whence comes the change? The change is not in material things, but in spiritual things. The change has come because in the slow but majestic progress of national development the peoples of South America have been passing through a period of progress necessary to their development, necessary to the building of their characters, up from a stage of strife and discord, of individual selfishness, of unrestrained ambition, of irresponsible power, and out upon the broad platform of love for country, of national spirit, of devotion to the ideal of justice, of ordered liberty, of respect for the rights of others; because the individual characters of the peoples of the South American republics have been developed to that self-control, to that respect for justice toward their fellowmen, to that regard for the rights and feelings of others which inhere in true justice. The development of individual character has made the collective character competent for self-government and the maintenance of that justice, that ordered liberty, which gives security to property, security to the fruits of enterprise, security to personal liberty, to the pursuit of happiness, to the home, to all that makes life worth living; and under the fostering care of that character, individual and national, the hidden wealth of the mountains is being poured out to enrich mankind; under the fostering care of that character, individual and national, new life is coming to the fields, to the mines, to the factories, to commerce, to all material interests of South America. Mr. Minister, this is but a part of the great world movement on a wider field. It is no idle dream that the world grows better day by day. We can not mark its progress by days or by years or by generations, but marking the changes by the centuries mankind advances steadily from brute force, from the rule of selfishness and greed toward respect for human rights, toward desire for human happiness, toward the rule of law and the rule of love among men. My own country has become great materially because it has felt the influence of that majestic progress of civilization. South America is becoming great materially because it, too, is feeling the influence that is making humanity more human. We can do but little in our day. We live our short lives and pass away and are forgotten. All the wealth, prosperity, and luxury with which we can surround ourselves is of but little benefit and little satisfaction; but if we-if you and I-in our offices and each one of us in his influence upon the public affairs of his day can contribute ever so little, but something, toward the tendency of our countries, the tendency of our race, away from greed and force and selfishness and wrong, toward the rule of order and love--if we can do something to contribute to that tendency which countless millions are working out, we shall not have lived in vain. You were kind enough to refer to an incident in the diplomatic history of the United States and Peru when my own country recognized its error in regard to the Lobos Islands and returned them freely and cheerfully to their rightful owner. I would rather have the record of such acts of justice for my country's fair name than the story of any battle fought and won by her military heroes. We can not fail to ask ourselves sometimes the question, What will be the end of our civilization? Will some future generation say of us, as did the Persian poet, "The ion and the lizard keep the courts where Jamshyd gloried and drak deep?" Will the palaces that we build be the problem of the antiquarians in some future century? Will all that we do come to naught? If not-if our civilization is not to meet the fate of all that have gone before-it will be because we have builded upon a firm foundation, a foundation of the great body of the plain, the common people, and of a character formed upon the principles of justice, of liberty, and of brotherly love. Our one hope for the perpetuity of our civilization is that quality in which it differs from all civilizations that have gone before-its substantial basis. I find that here in Peru you are building upon that firm rock. I find that here individual character is being developed so that the people of Peru are collectively developing the necessary and essential national character. I find that the riches of your wonderful land are in the hands of a people who are worthy to enjoy them. I shall take away with me from Peru not only the kindest feelings of friendship and of gratitude but the highest and most confident hope of a great and glorious future for the people to whom I wish so well. Mr. Minister, will you permit me the honor of asking all to join me in drinking to the health of His Excellency the President of Peru? The President of Peru to President Roosevelt. [Translation. Telegram.] LIMA, September 16, 1906. His Excellency Mr. Root leaves to-day, leaving with the Peruvian Government and people a never-to-be-forgotten memory and a feeling of sympathy that quickens the sentiments of close friendship which unites Peru with the United States of America. PARDO. President Roosevelt to the President of Peru. [Telegram.] WASHINGTON, September 20, 1906. I am glad to receive your telegram in regard to the good effect of Secretary Root's visit, and trust that not only this pleasing occasion, but all that concerns the intercourse of the two countries may tend to their mutual friendship and esteem. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. The President of the Peruvian Senate to the President of the Senate of the United States. To the most excellent the PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE, Washington. At the session held this day by the Senate of Peru in honor of the most excellent Secretary of State, Mr. Elihu Root, the following resolution has been adopted: The Senate of Peru has the honor to send its greetings to the Senate of the United States of America and to express to it the peculiar gratification with which it has received in its midst the eminent statesman, the most excellent Elihu Root. His plans of American solidarity respecting sovereignty, liberty, and justice quicken and strengthen the friendship and sympathy that the Peruvian nation professes for the great Republic. I consider it an honor to transmit this expression to your excellency for the information of the honorable Senate of the United States and to offer to your excellency the sentiment of my distinguished consideration. BARRIOS, President of the Senate. CONSULAR ADMINISTRATION OF ESTATES IN PERU. No. 375.] The Secretary of State to Minister Dudley. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December 27, 1905. SIR: I inclose herewith a copy of a dispatch from the consulgeneral at Callao in which he requests instructions as to the circumstances under which he should take charge of the estates of Americans who may die within his jurisdiction and a copy of the department's reply thereto. Mr. Gottschalk's inquiry whether he can properly avail himself of the Peruvian Government's offer to accord to American consular officers the privileges afforded to the most favored nation in connection with the settlement of the estates of deceased Americans having been answered in the affirmative the necessary action will be taken through your legation. You will therefore request the foreign office to cause each of the Peruvian local officials concerned to be instructed to notify the appropriate consul of any death of an American that may occur within his jurisdiction. I am, etc., ELIHU ROOT. [Inclosure 1.] Consul-General Gottschalk to the Assistant Secretary of State. No. 61-bis.] CONSULATE OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR Referring to my dispatch unnumbered, of October 30, 1905, I have the honor to invite your attention to the following facts: It has been the custom with Americans in Peru for a great many years past not to register at consulates and to refrain from notifying this office in case of deaths, estates of deceased American citizens, etc. I find upon careful investigation that this is done in complete innocence, and that here more so than in many places in Spanish-America which I have visited our countrymen usually resort to the consulates only in case of eminent peril (real or fancied) to life and property. So general is this condition that upon gathering information for my dispatch above mentioned in regard to the death of Edwin S. Dougherty, an American citizen and an employee of the Inca Mining Company, I was quite warmly thanked by Mr. Chester Brown, the manager of this company, as follows: "Don't think, Mr. Gottschalk, that we consider you intrusive in any way. We are only surprised at seeing you take an interest in this matter, and I am astonished, since you say it is part of a consul's duty, that none of our representatives have ever bothered about such matters before. It is an excellent |