under General Whitlocke, during the English and Spanish war, most gallantly repulsed by the South Americans, who, in this feat of arms and valor, seem for the first time to have been taught their true strength and importance. Such a lesson was not likely to be lost.

When Charles IV. and Ferdinand VII. of Spain renounced authority in favor of the brother of Napoleon, the act was met with loud protestations in the colonies. Neglected by the mother country in the pressing difficulties which surrounded her, and conceiving themselves abandoned entirely, a Junta was established in Buenos Ayres, in 1810, which assumed, in its own hands, the reins of government. In 1815, a Congress, at Tucuman, and afterwards in Buenos Ayres, was employed in framing a republican constitution. A declaration of independence was signed on the 9th July, 1816, and soon after followed by a similar declaration from Chili.

We are, however, anticipating, and return to a detail of those facts which minutely mark the progress of the revolution. In the first republican government of Buenos Ayres, the executive and legislative powers were vested in the Deputies; afterwards in an Assembly of Deputies from all the chief towns. This assembly having vested its executive powers in a Junta of three, which took the title of the Superior Provisional Government of the United Provinces of the River of the La Plata, in the name of Ferdinand VII., and after dissolving several assemblies, were finally abolished themselves, and a supreme director chosen, with regal powers.

The capital and provinces maintained a continual struggle, in which the former preserved the supremacy. Paraguay established an independent government, consisting of a Senate and two Consuls. The eastern shore of the La Plata, comprising the Banda Oriental, or Montevideo, refused its adhesion to the capital, and resisted by force of arms. They asserted an independence of Buenos Ayres as well as of Spain. The people of Peru took no active part in the revolution, from causes growing out of the organization, etc. of that province. The power of the church in Chili and its opposition to the revolution, as well as the factions between the powerful families of the Carreras and Larrains, are stated, by Mr. Poinsett, as having been unfavorable to the establishment of independence.

The South American colonies were an object of great interest with Great Britain from a very early period. Their emancipation was a favored project with Mr. Pitt, and proposals are said to have been made by him to the administration of John Adams upon the subject. The first outbreak at Caraccas was encouraged by a proclamation from Trinidad. The expedition of Miranda, and the occupation of Buenos Ayres, in 1806, by Sir Home Popham, were countenanced by the British government. Emboldened by their success, the British now determined upon the entire conquest of South America, as is evinced in the instructions given to Generals Whitlocke and Crawford, whose expedition sailed immediately after, and was repulsed, as we have seen. The expedition of General Whitlocke, says Mr. Poinsett, might have secured the emancipation of these colonies, but was not adequate to transfer the dominions to the crown of Great Britain,

After the downfall of the Spanish throne, manifestoes were published by the Princess Charlotte of Portugal, and the infant Don Pedro, claiming the Spanish American dominions. The first scheme

of revolution was founded upon this pretension, and the delivery of the country to the Princess Charlotte, it was thought, would have been soon followed by its absolute independence. The matter, however, made but little progress.

We have already seen the formation of the Junta, and subsequent revolutionary governments. Years of anarchy and blood were destined to result to the almost irretrievable ruin of the colonies. The monarchial and patriot party, in their dissensions, added no little to the fearful disorders of the times. Civil wars raged between the different sections with various success and carnage. Portuguese and Spanish armies ravaged the country. Everything at times seemed hopeless for the republican cause. The Spanish yoke seemed but too likely to be imposed again. Almost any government would have been a blessing.

Remarking upon this dark chapter, Mr. Poinsett continues:"Their dissensions and ambition render them, in the opinion of some, unworthy to be free; but let us recollect that the virtues that adorn society and brighten the page of history, are the offspring of freedom and science, and that when a people have been for centuries kept in subjection by ignorance and superstition, the first effort to burst their fetters will call into action the most violent of the human passions, and hurry men to commit the greatest excesses. The course of such a revolution will be too often stained by cruelties and crimes, and will almost inevitably terminate in a military despotism."

"In contemplating," said the Hon. Henry Clay, in his noble speech in the House of Representatives in 1818, on the appointment of a minister to the La Plata, "in contemplating the great struggle in which Spanish America is now engaged, our attention is first fixed by the immensity and character of the country which Spain seeks again to subjugate. Stretching on the Pacific Ocean from about the fortieth degree of north latitude to about the fifty-ninth degree of south latitude, and extending from the mouth of the Rio del Norte (exclusive of East Florida) around the Gulf of Mexico, and along the South Atlantic to near Cape Horn; it is about five thousand miles in length, and in some places near three thousand in breadth. Within this vast region we behold the most sublime and interesting objects of creation; the loftiest mountains, the most majestic rivers in the world; the richest mines of the precious metals, and the choicest productions of the earth. We behold there a spectacle still more interesting and sublime-the glorious spectacle of eighteen millions of people, struggling to burst their chains and to be free. When we take a little nearer and more detailed view, we perceive that nature has, as it were, ordained that this people and this country shall ultimately constitute several different nations. Leaving the United States on the north, we come to New Spain, or the vice-royalty of Mexico on the south; passing by Guatemala, we reach the vice-royalty of New Granada, the late Captain-Generalship of Venezuela and Guiana, lying on the east side of the Andes. Stepping over the Brazils we arrive at the United Provinces of La Plata, and crossing the Andes, we find Chili on their west side, and further north, the vice-royalty of Lima or Peru. Each of these several parts is sufficient in itself, in point of limits, to constitute a powerful state; and in point of population, that which has the smallest, contains enough to make it respectable. Throughout all the extent of that great portion of the world, which I have attempted thus hastily to describe, he spirit of revolt against the dominion of Spain has manifested itself. The revo

lution has been attended with various degrees of success in the several parts of Spanish America. In some it has been already crowned, as I shall endeavour to show, with complete success; and in all, I am persuaded that independence has struck such deep root, that the power of Spain can never eradicate it. What are the causes of this great movement?"

We have frequently had occasion to advert to the absurd and cruel restrictions which are put, by the Spanish Colonial System, now greatly moderated, upon the commerce of all its dependencies. From this South America was a principal sufferer, and they have had much influence in paralyzing its industry and arresting its progress. That other causes may be assigned for the relatively-unimportant position of the republics which have been established there, and their slow advances in population and wealth, made even under a system of freedom, is not denied. With equal advantages of soil and climate, the inferiority of the Spanish and Creole character tend to place the countries inhabited and administered by them, even under the best possible systems, far, very far behind those in which the Anglo-Saxon element is allowed to operate. Industry and unlimited enterprise are the inheritance of the latter. Indolence and pride hang like an incubus upon the former. The law of one is progress, the other decay. The Anglo-Saxons have been sweeping everything before them on the North American continent, and establishing an empire which is felt, respected and feared, in every quarter of the globe. Their arts, their policy, and their institutions, find imitators where, but a few years ago, it was fashionable to revile. The old thrones of Europe are being shaken down by the young Hercules of America. It is impossible to foresee the ends which are to be ultimately worked out. Will the knowledge of power and resources be followed by their abuse? Will the love of enterprise, and the desire of more extended territory, already so plainly manifested among us, lead to excursions upon the impotent neighbors that surround us upon every hand? Have not results in Mexico taught the invincibility of the American arms? What power on this continent is there that can arrest their progress? What army that would not be shattered to pieces in the encounter? What state whose capital would not be occupied? We are not vaunting our prowess in haughty pride, but adducing sentiments and facts universally admitted. The time has even passed when Europe can interfere in the movements of the western world. The powers have enough to do in looking after each other, and preventing the overshadowing importance of any particular one. Mr. Calhoun, the other day in the Senate, scoffed, with great propriety, at the apprehension of English power being unduly exercised upon this continent again. There is no European army that could be brought to this country and landed, large enough to withstand the force that could be brought against it. It is but too evident that the destinies of America are in our hands. Wisdom and moderation should induce us to attend to our own peculiar affairs, and leave other American powers to do the same. The Mexican war was in many respects unfortunate, and we hail the peace with gratification. We have

territories enough to be peopled for a generation to come. We have states enough formed and in embryo to govern. Let us leave events to take their own course. The North Americans will spread out far beyond their present bounds. They will encroach again and again upon their neighbors. New territories will be planted, declare their independence, and be annexed! We have New Mexico and California! We will have Old Mexico and Cuba! The isthmus cannot arrest-nor even the Saint Lawrence!! Time has all of this in her womb. A hundred states will grow up where now exists but thirty. Let us not anticipate. The end of all this shall come, and God only can tell what it will be and when.

We condense the leading particulars of the trade of South America, during the colonial state, from the earliest periods.* The alcavala was the most destructive tax upon national prosperity, and amounted to four or six per cent, upon every transfer of property and every contract of sale. The government established monopolies in certain taxed articles, extending even to the necessaries of life. The colonial trade was at first confined to particular classes in both countries, afterwards it was opened to all Spaniards, but confined to the single port of Seville, which became the emporium of American trade. In 1720 the monopoly was transferred to Cadiz. Twentyseven vessels were annually fitted out for the supply of Peru, Chili, and Terra Firma. With other than these fleets the colonists were forbidden to trade, or with any foreigners, or with each other. No colonist could embark his goods to Spain on his own account. A board of trade regulated the periodical fleets from Spain and their cargoes. A license from it was necessary to load or land a cargo. The smallest possible amount of goods were sent to the colonies; the crown exacting the same duties as upon larger shipments, would thus find the collection of them much easier. An impost was levied upon the bulk of the articles shipped, without regard to their value. An endulto was levied upon every arrival of produce from America, and was fixed anew on each return of the fleets. Though Spain could not supply all the wants of her colonies, she admitted of no purchases of foreign goods by them except through Cadiz and Seville. The monopolists of these cities realized profits of 170 and 250 per cent. on the colonial trade! According to Ulloa, a pound of iron was worth one dollar in Quito, a statement we can hardly credit. Contraband traders very naturally multiplied. In 1740, other expeditions than the periodical ones were allowed to sail from the colonies, but the licenses for this trade constituted a heavy tax upon exports. In 1764 regular packet-boats were established between Corunna and the chief ports of America. Then cargoes

were limited in extent, and to Spanish produce. In 1765 the trade of the windward colonies was laid open to several ports of Spain. In 1766 the cotton trade was opened to Catalonia duty free, and in

*Paper by Hon. Joel R. Poinsett; Am. State Papers, 1818.

The alcavala, according to Adam Smith, was at first a tax of ten per cent., and afterwards of fourteen per cent. on all sales of property or goods.-Wealth of Nations, book v. chap, 2.

1772 to other provinces. In 1774 colonial produce, duty free, was admitted into several ports of Spain. The ordinance of 1778 abated some of the enormous duties. The supply of slaves from foreign sources was permitted, first from the French and then from the English by the treaty of Utrecht. There resulted a contraband trade in other things, however, which caused a war between Great Britain and Spain. The slave trade then passed to a private company, whose entrepot was at Porto Rico. The government took upon itself the supply, and a contract was made with a British house for 3,000 annually. In 1789 the slave trade with the colonies was thrown open to all persons whatever. In 1778 the Council of the Indies decreed free commerce, if in Spanish built and owned vessels, with all the officers and two-thirds of the crew Spaniards. The colonial ports were classed with a view to privileges. Articles of the growth and manufacture of the mother country were called free, and paid 9 per cent. duty; those of the manufacture only, paid 12. Foreign goods, received in the colonies through Spain, paid, including all charges, in all the ports, 33 per cent. The duties on 74,000,000 reals of imports into America in 1778 was 32,000,000 reals; on 74,000,000 exports from America, 3,000,000 reals vellon. In 1788 the exports to the colonies were 500,000,000 reals; imports from, 800,000,000 reals.

After the British invasion of South America a new era opened in the trade of Buenos Ayres. The most exaggerated notions became prevalent in England with regard to its importance. It was even thought the loss of the United States might be compensated from this quarter. On the withdrawal of the British troops, the viceroy was obliged to yield to popular clamor and open the ports to neutrals. The duties, however, were too high to attract many from the United States to enter, though British and Spanish capital availed itself of our flag. On the establishment of the Junta in Buenos Ayres, the ports of the Plate were opened to the British flag. A large capital took this direction. The market was overstocked with every article of British manufacture. Even skates and warming-pans were introduced by these sapient traders, like coals into Newcastle. The merchants often lost, not only the prime cost of the articles and freight, but had to pay a further sum for duties. English calicoes were retailed, three hundred leagues from the coast, below the London price a state of things which has, no doubt, existed during the late Mexican war; more liberal duties and regulations, however, were the result. In 1818, Buenos Ayres continued to be overstocked with English goods. Vessels were even dispatched from the River Plate direct to China and India. "In the hands of freemen," says Mr. Poinsett, "who were sensible of its advantages, and under an enlightened government, Chili, from the number and variety of its productions, which yield the raw material of every sort of manufacture, has within itself the means of greatness. And from the number of its harbors, and great extent of coast, might carry on an extensive and lucrative commerce with the intermediate ports, with the vice-royalty of Lima, the Philippine Islands, the East Indies, and China,