bringing all the conflicting opinions together in favor of Panama. He was confronted at the outset with a most determined opposition, which attempted to show that the French company's titles were invalid; that Colombia really owned the rights offered by the French company; that the question had been closed and that if the United States was ever to possess a canal, it must go on with the Nicaraguan project. And indeed, public sentiment in the United States seemed to support this contention, in spite of the commission's report in favor of Panama.

Mr. Cromwell was fortunate in finding a stalwart supporter of the Panama route in Senator Mark Hanna. The Ohioan was a member of the Committee on Interoceanic Canals, and he had carefully studied the question of building a waterway between the oceans. His practical turn of mind caused him to support the canal commission on intricate details as to routes, since he relied upon their technical training and personal knowledge. He favored the Panama route because it was more definitely known and its cost more accurately estimated; because it was shorter and more secure from accident; and he was ready to fight valiantly for it if he could be convinced that the title was perfect.

The chairman of the Senate committee, Senator Morgan, had begun hearings for the purpose of breaking down the weight of the canal commission's recommendation in favor of Panama. He contrasted this report with preceding ones in favor of Nicaragua, and insisted that one of the commissioners, Professor Haupt, had been virtually compelled to sign the report in favor of Panama.

It was vitally necessary for the cause of Panama that time should be gained. The Senate committee was in favor of Nicaragua; Colombia had not formally agreed to the transfer of the French company's property, and it was necessary to negotiate an agreement to that effect; and a vote in the Senate would have been fatal. Here the resourcefulness of Mr. Cromwell, aided

by Senator Hanna, was most effective. They demanded that the hearings should be widened to include consideration of the Panama route and the reason why it was preferred by the canal commission. Senator Morgan was compelled to prolong the hearings which he himself had begun, and the sessions ran over several weeks. During this period Mr. Cromwell prepared an exhaustive defense of the New Panama Canal Company's titles, initiated a movement for the negotiation of a treaty with Colombia, and began to formulate a plan for the passage of an act which would permit the President of the United States to purchase the New Panama Canal Company's property, provided the title was found to be perfect and its transfer agreed to by Colombia.

Great difficulties began to appear. Senators were doubtful as to the validity of the titles; they insisted that Colombia should bind herself to agree to the transfer; and they also insisted that the stockholders of the French company should ratify the transfer. Senator Spooner, of Wisconsin, who favored a plan for empowering the President to choose either route, was insistent upon these points. Then came the announcement that Colombia had served notice upon the French company that it must not sell its property without Colombia's consent, to which was coupled a demand for an "indemnity" of $20,000,ooo as the price of this consent. Colombia then sent a new envoy to the United States, whose mission it was to block the negotiations unless Colombia was paid an indemnity of from $10,000,000 to $20,000,000 and $1,000,000 a year. The alternative was a threat to annul the French company's concession on the ground that its extension had been made by legislative decree, and not by the Colombian congress.

After long conferences between Mr. Cromwell and the new Minister, Mr. Concha, the latter made a statement that the notice served by Colombia upon the French company did not imply opposition to the sale of the property to the United