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subsisting between us and France, remained unsettled. That there was no immediate prospect that there would be a satisfactory settlement of them ; but that whatever the event in this respect might be, it was not the intention of the government of the United States to enter into any more intimate connexions with France. This disposition I added was expressed in terms as strong and clear as I thought language could afford. It was even observed that the government of the United States did not anticipate any event whatever that could produce that effect, and I was the more happy to find myself authorized by my government to avow that intention, as different representations of their views had been widely circulated as well in Europe as in America.
The count received this communication with assurances of his own high satisfaction at its purport, and of his persuasion that it would prove equally satisfactory to the emperor, before whom he should lay it without delay, He said that with regard to the friendly and commercial relations with the United States, it was the emperor's fixed determination to maintain them so far as depended upon him in their fullest extent. He asked me if I had any objection to his communicating to the British government itself that part of my information to him which related to France. I said that, on the contrary, as the British government had in the course of our discussions with them frequently intimated the belief that the American government was partial to France, and even actuated by French influence, I supposed that the knowledge of this frank and explicit statement, with a due consideration of the time and occasion upon which it was made, must have a tendency to remove the prejudice of the British cabinet, and I would hope produce on their part a disposition more inclining to conciliation.
Yesterday the count sent a note requesting me to call upon him again, which I accordingly did. He showed me the draught of a despatch to the count Lieven the Russian ambassador in England, which he had prepared to lay before the emperor for his approbation, and which related the substance of my conversation with him, particularly in regard to the intentions of the American government with reference to France ; instructing count Lieven to make it known to lord Castlereagh, and to use it for the purpose of convincing the British government of the errour in sus. pecting that of the United States of any subserviency to France, in the expectation that it would promote in the British ministry the disposition to peace with the United States, which he (count Lieven) knew his imperial majesty had much at heart, believing it equally for the interest of both powers and also for that of his own empire. The chancellor said that as this despatch would refer to what I had verbally stated to him in our preceding conversation, he wished before submitting to the emperor, that I should peruse it to satisfy himself that he had connectedly represented the purport of my communication to him, and he desired me, if I should find any inaccuracy or variation from what I had said to him, to point it out to him, that he might make the despatch perfectly correspond with what I had said. I did accordingly notice several particulars in which the exact purport of what I had said might be expressed with more precision. He immediately struck out the passages which I noticed in this manner from the draught, and altered them to an exact conformity with the ideas I had intended to convey. The changes were inconsiderable, and were no otherwise material than as I was desirous of the utmost accuracy in the relation of what I had said under the authority of your despatch.
This communication of the settled determination of the American government not to contract any more intimate engagements with France, will thus be made to the British ministry with my full consent. The chancellor's despatch does not say that he was authorized by me to make
It merely relates the substance of that part of my conversation with him, and directs count Lieven to use it with a view to promote the purpose of pacification. The chancellor understands that my consent was merely my own act, without authority from you; my motive in giving it was the same with that of his instruction to count Lieven, because I believed its tendency would be to promote he spirit of pacification in the British cabinet. I told the chancellor I was aware that its effect might be different. That the very certainty that we should not seek or even accept a community of cause with their most dreaded enemy might make them more indifferent to a peace with
us. But, in calculating the operation of a generous purpose, even upon the mind of an inveterate enemy, I feel an irresistible impulse to the conclusion that it will be generous like itself. I asked the chancellor whether he had received an answer from England upon the proposal of the emperor's mediation. He said that, without accepta ing or rejecting it, they had intimated the belief that it would not be acceptable in America.
I am, &c.
JOHN Q. ADAMS.
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Adams to the Secretary of
State. St. Petersburg, June 26, 1813. « On the 15th instant I had an interview with the chancellor count Romanzoff, at his request, when he informed me that he had received answers from Mr. Daschkoff to the despatches of which Mr. Harris was the bearer. That the President had accepted the einperor's offer of mediation, and that Mr. Daschkoff had sent him a copy of your answer to him, expressive of that acceptance. He then put into my hands your letter to Mr. Daschkoff of March 11, with the tenour of which he appeared to be much gratified; and which he said he should immediately transmit to the emperor.
At the same time English newspapers had been received here, mentioning the appointment of Messieurs Gallatin and Bayard, but intimaling strongly the determination of the British government to reject the mediation. A few days after, I received from a friend the National Intelligencer of 15th April, containimg an editorial paragraph concerning the appointment of those gentlemen, which I communicated to the count on the 22d. I observed to him, that howeyer the British government might think proper to act on this occasion, that of the United States would at least have manifested, in a signal manner, at once its earnest and constant desire for a just and honourable peace, and its sense of the motives which had induced the emperor's offer. That the President could not have adopted a measure better adapted to do honour to his majesty's proposal, than by the appointment of two persons among the most distinguished of our citizens, to co-operate on the part of the United States, in accomplishing the emperor's friendly and benevolent purpose; and that if it should eventually fail of being successful, at least the true and only source of its failure would be known. That he had received, since he saw me last, despatches from count Lieven. That the British minister, in terms of much politeness, had intimated to him, that there was no sovereign whose mediation they should more readily accept than that of the emperor, but that their differences with the United States were of a nature involving principles of the internal government of the British nation, and which it was thought were not susceptible of being committed to the discussion of any mediation. The count added, that it would remain to be considered, whether after this, and after the solemn step taken by the government of the United States, it would be advisable to renew the offer to the British ministry, and give them an opportunity for a reconsideration. It was possible that further reflection might lead to a different resolution, and he should submit the question to the emperor's determination. Different circumstances furnished other materials for deliberations."
FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TO THE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. JAN. 18, 1814. I TRANSMIT to the House of Representatives a report of the Secretary of State complying with their resolution of the eleventh instant.
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 11th instant, requesting the President to communicate to the House any information in his possession, and which it may not
be improper to divulge, in relation to the omission or refusal of the French government to accredit the minister plenipotentiary sent by the United States to that court, or of his reception if accredited, of the time when he was so accredited, and of the progress of his negotiation, has the honour to communicate to the President, for the information of the House, the following letters in relation to that subject, viz.
A letter from Mr. Crawford to the Secretary of State of the 15th August, 1813, enclosing one to the duke of Bassano of the 27th July, and his answer of 1st August; and an extract of a letter from Mr. Crawford to the Sec. retary of State of the 8th of September, 1813, Respectfully submitted,
JAMES MONROE. Department of State, Jan. 18, 1814.
Mr. Crawford to Mr. Monroe. Paris, Aug. 15, 1813.
Sir,-On the 27th ult. I wrote to the duke of Bassano, to inform him of my arrival in Paris, in quality of minister plenipotentiary of the United States. On the 8th inst. I received an answer dated at Dresden on the 1st. Copies of my note and of his answer are here with enclosed. With sentiments of high respect, &c.
WM. H. CRAWFORD. Hon. James Monroe, Secretary of State.
Mr. Crawford to the Duke of Bassano. Paris, July 27,
1813. MY LORD, I have the honour to inform your excellency that I have been appointed, by the President of the United States of America, minister plenipotentiary to the court of his imperial and royal majesty, the emperor of the French and king of Italy. I wait the pleasure of your excellency as to the time and manner of presenting my official credentials, preparatory to my reception by the government of his imperial and royal majesty, as the accredited minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America.