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lating the commerce of the American States, under the description of British colonies or plantations, so as to accommodate every circumstance to the reception of their ships, as the ships of independent states.

3. All duties, drawbacks, bounties, rights, privileges, and all other money considerations shall remain respecting the United States of America upon the same footing as they now remain respecting the province of Nova Scotia in America, or as if the aforesaid states had remained dependent upon Great Britain. All this subject to regulations or alterations by any future acts of the parliament of Great Britain.

4. On the part of the States of America, it is agreed that all laws prohibiting the commerce with Great Britain shall be repealed.

5. Agreed upon the same part, that all ships and merchandise of the British dominions shall be admitted upon the same terms as before the war, except any imposts laid during

All this subject to future regulations or alterations by the legislatures of American States respectively.

6. The principles and spirit of this treaty to be supported on either side by any necessary supplemental arrangements, No tacit compliance on the part of America in any subordinate points to be argued at any time hereafter to the prejudice of their independence.

the war.

To David HARTLEY, Esg. M. P.

DEAR SIR,

Passy, March 23, 1783. I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me, requesting a recommendation to America of Mr. Joshua Grigby. I have accordingly written one; and having an opportunity the other day, I sent it under cover to Mr. Benjamin Vaughan.

The general proclamations you wished for, suspending, or rather putting an end to hostilities, are now. published; so that your "heart is at rest," and mine with it. You may depend on my joining my hearty endeavors with yours, in “cul tivating conciliatory principles between our two countries," and I may venture to assure you, that if your bill for a provisional establishment of the commerce had passed as at first proposed, a stipulation on our part in the definitive treaty to allow reciprocal and equal advantages and privileges to your subjects, would have been readily agreed to. With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

D. HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

London, March 31, 1783.

I send you a paper entitled, Supplemental Treaty, the substance of which I sent you some time ago, as I read it, in part of a speech in the house of commons. 1 have given a copy of it to Mr. L., as the grounds upon which my friend the Duke of P. would have wished that any administration in which he might have taken a part should have treated with the American ministers. All negociations for the formation of a ministry in concert with the Duke of P. are at an end.

The 10th article, which is supposed to be referred to the definitive treaty, is a renewal of the same proposition which I moved in parliament some years ago, viz. on the 9th of April, 1778. I see nothing inconsistent with that proposition, either in the declaration of independence or in the treaty with France. Let it therefore remain, and emerge after the war as a point untouched by the war. I assure you my consent should not be wanting to extend this principle between all the nations upon earth. I know full well that those nations to which you and I are bound by birth and consanguinity, woul

reap the earliest fruits from it; owing no man hate, and envying no man's happiness, I should rejoice in the lot of my own country, and on her part say to Ameriea, Nos duo turba sumus.. I send you likewise enclosed with this some sentiments respecting the principles of some late negociations, drawn up in the shape of parliamentary motions' by my bros ther, who joins with me in sincerest good wishes to you for health and happiness, and for the peace of our respective countries, and of mankind. Your ever affectionate, >= 21 lig D. HARTLEY.

SUPPLEMENTAL TREATY between Great Britain and the United States of North America.

1. That the British troops be withdrawn from the United States with all convenient speed.

-`2. That all farther prosecutions of loyalists in America be immediately abated, and that they be permitted to remain until twelve months after the definitive treaty with America, in safety and unmolested, in their endeavors to obtain restitution of their estates.

3. That all ports shall be mutually opened for intercourse and commerce, between Great Britain and the United States.

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4. Agreed on the part of Great Britain that all prohibitory acts shall be repealed, and that all obstructions to American ships either entering inwards or clearing outwards, shall be removed, which may arise from any acts of parliament heretofore regulating the commerce of the American States, under the description of British colonies and plantations, so as to accommodate every circumstance to the reception of their ships, as the ships of independent states.

1 See the same, following the Supplemental Treaty.

5. Agreed on the part of Great Britain that all duties, rights, privileges, and all pecuniary considerations shall remain respecting the United States of America, upon the same footing as they now remain respecting the province of Nova Scotia, or as if the said States had remained dependent upon Great Britain. All this subject to regulations and alterations by any future acts of the parliament of Great Britain.

6. On the part of the American States it is agreed, that all laws prohibiting commerce with Great Britain shall be repealed.

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7. Agreed on the part of the American States, that all ships and merchandise of the British dominions shall be admitted upon the same terms as before the war. All this subject to future regulations or alterations by the legislatures of the American States respectively.

8. That all prisoners on both sides be immediately released.

9. The spirit and principles of this treaty to be supported on either side by any necessary supplemental arrangements. No tacit compliance on the part of the American States in any subordinate points to be urged at any time hereafter in derogation of their independence.

Separate article to be referred to the definitive treaty.

10. Neither shall the independence of the United States be construed any farther than as independence, absolute and unlimited in matters of government as well as commerce, Not into alienation, and therefore the subjects of his Britannic majesty and the citizens of the United States shall mutually be considered as natural-born subjects, and enjoy all rights and privileges as such in the respective dominions and terri tories, in the manner heretofore accustomed.

Paper mentioned in the close of Mr. Hartley's letter of

March 31, 1758. 1. That it is the opinion of this house, that whenever Great Britain thought proper to acknowledge the independence of America, the mode of putting it into effect most honorably for this country, would have been to have made the declaration of independence previous to the commencement of any treaty with any other power,

. 2. That a deviation from that line of conduct, has the effect of appearing to grant the independence of America solely to the demands of the house of Bourbon, and not, as was the real state of the case, from a change in the sentiments of this country, as to the object and continuance of the American war.

3. That when this house, by its vote against the farther prosecution of offensive war in America, had given up the point of contest and adopted a conciliatory disposition, the pursuing those principles by an immediate and liberal negociation upon the basis of independence, at the same time expressing a readiness to conclude a general peace with the allies of America upon honorable terms, would have been the most likely way to promote a mutual and beneficial intercourse between the two countries,—to establish peace upon a firm foundation, and would have prevented the house of Bourbon from having a right to claim any farther obligations from America, as the assertors of their independence.

4. That the minister who advised the late negociations for peace has neglected to make use of those advantages which the determination of the house put him in possession of: that, by his delay in authorising persons properly to negociate with the American commissioners, he has shown a reluctance to acting upon the liberal principles of granting independence to

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