Spain, at that very time, extended her pretensions and claims of dominion not only over the tract in question, but over the vast region lying between the Floridas, and Lake Superior; and this court was also, at that very time, soothing and nursing of those pretensions, by a proposed conciliatory line for splitting the difference. Suppose, therefore, we had offered this tract to Spain in case she retained the Floridas, should we even have had thanks for it or would it have abated the chagrin she experienced from being disappointed in her extravagant and improper designs on that whole Country-we think not...

We perfectly concur with you in sentiment, sir, that "honesty is the best policy;" but, until it be shewn that we have trespassed on the rights of any man, or any body of men, you must excuse our thinking that this remark, as applied to our proceedings, was unnecessary.

Should any explanations, either with France or Spain, become necessary on this subject, we hope and expect to meet with no embarrassments, We shall neither amuse them, nor perplex ourselves, with ostensible and flimsy excuses; but tell them plainly, that as it was not our duty to give them the information, we considered ourselves at liberty to withhold it; and we shall remind the French minister, that he has more reason to be pleased than displeased with our silence. Since we have assumed a place in the political system of the world, let us move like a primary, and not like a secondary planet.

f. }

We are persuaded, sir, that your remarks on these, subjects resulted from real opinion, and were made with candor and sincerity. The best men will view objects of this kind in different lights, even when stauding on the same ground; and it is not to be wondered at, that we, who are on the

spot, and have the whole transaction under our eyes, should see many parts of it in a stronger point of light than persons at a distance, who can only view it through the dull medium of representation.

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~{It would give us great pain if any thing we have written, or now write, respecting this court, should be construed to impeach the friendship of the king and uation for us. We also believe that the minister is so far our friend, and is disposed so far to do us good offices, as may correspond with, and be dictated by, his system of policy for promoting the power, riches, and glory of France. God forbid that we should ever sacrifice our faith, our gratitude, or our honor, to any considerations of convenience; and may he also forbid that we should ever be unmindful of the dignity and independent spirit which should always characterise a free and generous people.

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V

We shall immediately propose an article to be inserted in the definitive treaty, for postponing the payment of British debts for the time mentioned by congress.

There are, no doubt, certain ambiguities in our articles; but it is not to be wondered at, when it is considered how exceedingly averse Britain was to expressions which expli citly wounded the tories, and how disinclined we were to use any that should amount to absolute stipulations in their favor.

The words for restoring the property of real British subjects, were well understood and explained between us, not to mean or comprehend: Américan refugees. Mr. Oswald and Mr. Fitzherbert know this to have been the case, and will readily confess and admit it. This mode of expression was preferred by them as a more delicate mode of excluding those refugees, and of making a proper dis

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tinction between them and the subjects of Britain, whose only particular interest in America consisted in holding lands or property there.

The 6th article, viz. where it declares that no future confiscations shall be made, &c. ought to have fixed the time with greater accuracy. We think the most fair and true construction is, that it relates to the date of the cessation of hostilities :' that is the time when peace in fact took place, in consequence of prior unformal, though binding, contracts to terminate the war. We consider the definitive treaties as only giving the dress of form to those contracts, and not as constituting the obligation of them. Had the cessation of hostilities been the effect of a truce, and consequently not more than a temporary suspension of war, another construction would have been the true one.

We are officially assured by Mr. Hartley, that positive orders for the evacuation of New York have been despatched, and that no avoidable delay will retard that event. Had we proposed to fix a time for it, the British commissioner would have contended that it should be a time pos

terior to the date of the definitive treaty, and that would have been probably more disadvantageous to us than 'as that article now stands.

We are surprised to hear that any doubts have arisen in America respecting the time when the cessation of hostilities took place there. It most certainly took place at the expiration of one month after the date of that declaration in all parts of the world, whether land or sea, that lay north of the latitude of the Canaries.

The ships afterwards taken from us in the more northerly latitudes ought to be reclaimed and given up. We shall apply to Mr. Hartley on this subject, and also on that of

the transportation of negroes from New York, contrary to the words and intention of the provisional articles. We have the honor to be, &c.

J. ADAMS.

B. FRANKLIN."

J. JAY.

H. LAURENS.O

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO R. R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ.

Passy, July 22, 1788.

"You have complained, sometimes with reason, of not hearing often from your foreign ministers; we have had cause to make the same complaints; six full months having intervened between the latest date of your preceding letters and the receipt of those per Captain Barney. During all this time we were ignorant of the reception of the provisional treaty, and the sentiments of congress upon it; which, if we had received sooner, might have forwarded the proceedings on the definitive treaty, and perhaps brought it to a conclusion at a time more favorable than the present. But these occasional interruptions of correspondence are the inevitable consequences of a state of war, and of such remote situations.

Barney had a short passage, and arrived some days before Colonel Ogden, who also brought dispatches from you; all of which are come safe to hand.

We, the commissioners, have, in our joint capacity, written a letter to you, which you will receive with this.' I shall now answer yours of March 26, May 9, and May 31.

• See the preceding letter, p. 379.

J

It gave me great pleasure to learn by the first, that the news of the peace diffused general satisfaction. I will not now take upon me to justify the apparent reserve respecting this court at the signature, which you disapprove. We have touched upon it in our general letter. I do not see, however, that they have much reason to complain of that transaction. Nothing was stipulated to their prejudice, and none of the stipulations were to have force but by a subsequent act of their own. I suppose, indeed, that they have not complained of it, or you would have sent me a copy of the complait, that we might have answered it. I long since satisfied Count de Vergennes about it here. We did what appeared to all of us best at the time, and if we have done wrong, the congress will do right, after hearing us, to cen sure us. Their nomination of five persons to the service, seems to mark that they had some dependence on our joint judginent, since one alone could have made a treaty by direc tion of the French ministry as well as twenty. I will only add, that with respect to myself, neither the letter from Mr.1 Marbois, handed to us through the British negociators, (a suspicious channel) nor the conversations respecting the fishery, the boundaries, the royalists, &c. recommending moderation in our demands, are of weight sufficient in my mind, to fix an opinion that this court wished to restrain us ` in obtaining any degree of advantage we could prevail on our enemies to accord, since those discourses are fairly resolvable by supposing a very natural apprehension, that we, relying too much on the ability of France to continue the war in our favor, and supply us constantly with money, might insist on more advantages than the English would be