willing to grant, and thereby lose the opportunity of making peace, so necessary to all our friends.

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When the commercial article mentioned in yours of the 26th, was struck out of our proposed preliminaries by the then British ministry, the reason given was, that sundry acts of parliament, still in force, were against it, and must be first repealed, which I believe was actually, their intention, and sundry bills were accordingly brought in for that purpose But new ministers, with different principles, succeeding, a commercial proclamation, totally different from those bills, has lately appeared, I send enclosed a copy of it. We shall try what can be done in the definitive treaty, towards setting aside that proclamation; but, if it should be persisted in, it will then be a matter worthy the attentive, discussion of congress, whether it will be most prudent to retort, with a similar regulation, in order to force its repeal, which may possibly tend to bring on another quarrel, or to let it pass without notice, and leave it to its own inconvenience, or rather impracticability in the execution, and to the complaints of the West India planters, who must all pay much dearer for our produce under those restrictions. I am not enough master of the course of our commerce, to give an opinion on this particular question; and it does not behove me to do it; yet I have seen so much embarrassment, and so little advantage in all the restraining and compulsive systems, that I feel myself strongly inclined to believe, that a state which leaves all her ports open to all the world upon equal terms, will by that means have foreign commodities cheaper, and sell its own productions dearer, and be on the whole most

See p. 351 of this volume.

prosperous. I have heard some merchants say, that there is ten per cent. difference between Will you buy? and Will you sell? When foreigners bring us their goods, they want to part with them speedily, that they may purchase their cargoes and despatch their ships, which are at constant charges in our ports. We have then the advantage of their, Will you buy? and when they demand our produce, we have the advantage of their, Will you sell? and the concurring demands of a number also contribute to raise our prices. Thus both these questions are in our favor at home; against us abroad. The employing, however, of our own ships, and raising a breed of seamen among us, though it should not be a matter of so much private profit as some imagine, is nevertheless of political importance, and must have weight in considering this subject.

The judgment you make of the conduct of France in the peace, and the greater glory acquired by her moderation than even by her arms, appears to me perfectly just. The character of this court and nation seems of late years to be considerably changed. The ideas of aggrandisement by conquest, are out of fashion; and those of commerce are more enlightened, and more generous than heretofore. We shall soon, I believe, feel something of this, in our being admitted to greater freedom of trade with their islands. The wise here think France great enough, and its ambition at present seems to be only that of justice and magnanimity towards other nations, fidelity, and utility to its allies.

I have received no answer yet from congress to my request of being dismissed from this service. They should methinks reflect, that if they continue me here, the faults I may henceforth commit through the infirmities of age, will be rather theirs than mine.

I am glad my JOURNAL' afforded you any pleasure. I will, as you desire, endeavor to continue it.

I am sorry to find that you have thoughts of quitting the service. I do not think your place can be easily well supplied. You mention that an entire new arrangement, with respect to foreign affairs, is under consideration: I wish to know whether any notice is likely to be taken in it of my grandson. He has now gone through an apprenticeship of near seven years in the ministerial business, and is very capable of serving the states in that line, as possessing all the requisites of knowledge, zeal, activity, language, and address. He is liked here; and Count de Vergennes has expressed to me, in warm terms, his very good opinion of him. The late Swedish ambassador, Count de Creutz, who is gone home to be prime minister, desired I would endeavor to procure his being sent to Sweden with a public character, assuring me that he should be glad to receive him there as our minister, and that he knew it would be pleasing to the king. The present Swedish ambassador has also proposed the same thing to me, as you will see by a letter of his which I enclose. One of the Danish ministers, M. Waltersdorff, (who will probably be sent in a public character to congress) has also expressed his wish that my grandson may be sent to Denmark. But it is not my custom to solicit employments for myself or any of my family, and I shall not do it in this case. I only hope that if he is not to be employed in your new arrangement, I may be informed of it as soon as possible, that while I have strength left for it, I may accompany him in a tour to Italy, returning through

Germany, which I think he may make to more advantage with me than alone, and which I have long promised to afford him, as a reward for his faithful service, and his tender filial attachment to me.*

Our people, who were prisoners in England, are now all discharged. During the whole war, those who were in Forton prison, near Portsmouth, were much befriended by the constant charitable care of Mr. Wren, a Presbyterian minister there; who spared no pains to assist them in their sickness and distress, by procuring and distributing among them the contributions of good Christians, and prudently dispensing the allowance I made them, which gave him a deal of trouble, but he went through it cheerfully. I think some particular notice should be taken of this good man. I wish the congress would enable me to make him a present, and that some of our universities would confer upon him the degree of doctor.

• Repeated inquiries having been made (since the first publication of this letter) relative to the result of this very natural and just request of Dr. Franklin, it may be excusable here to remark, that na notice was ever taken of it by congress; nor of a former application to the same effect, backed by the strong and affecting recommendation of another of its most able and respectable ministers,-JOHN Jar, Esq. (See pages 76 and 77, Paft I.) Neither were the long, faithful, arduous, and eminent services of Dr. Franklin ever publicly acknowledged, or adequately remunerated, by the government of the United States; except the empty (though honorable) testimony of its going into mourning on his decease, may be deemed such. But it is an adage, that républics are not famed for GRATITUDE. Hopes, however, are entertained that the American government consider there is a deferred debt due to the memory of Franklin, and that they will eventually liquidate it.

The Duke of Manchester, who has always been our friend in the house of lords, is now here ambassador from England. I dine with him to-day (26th), and if any thing of importance occurs, I will add it in a postscript.

Be pleased to present my dutiful respects to the congress, assure them of my most faithful services, and believe me to be, with great and sincere esteem, sir, &c.

powers are none of them yet completed. Ours has gone on slowly, owing partly to the necessity Mr. Hartley (successor of Mr. Oswald) thinks himself under of sending every proposition, either his own or ours, to his court for their approbation, and their delay in answering, through negligence perhaps, since they have heard our ports are open, or through indecision occasioned by ignorance of the subject, or through want of union among the ministers. We send you herewith copies of several papers that have passed between us. Mr. Hartley has for some time assured us that he is in hourly expectation of answers, but they do not arrive. The British proclamation respecting the commerce appears to vex him a good deal. We enclose a copy. And we are of opinion that finally we shall find it best to drop all commercial articles in our definitive treaty; and leave every thing of that kind to a future special treaty to be made either in America or in Europe, as congress shall think fit to order. Perhaps it may be best to give powers for that purpose to the minister that probably will be sent to London. The opinion here is, that it will be becoming in us to take the first step towards the mutual ex

VOL. II.

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