concert and in the confidence of communication with the ministers of our friends, whose advice may be of use to us.

With respect to the British court, we should I think be constantly upon our guard, and impress strongly upon our minds, that though it has made peace with us, it is not in truth reconciled to us, or to its loss of us; but stili Aatters itself with hopes that some change of the affairs of Europe, or some disunion among ourselves, may afford them an opportunity of recovering their dominion, punishing those who have most offended, and securing our future dependence. It is easy to see by the general turn of the ministerial newspapers, (light things indeed as straws and feathers, but like them they show which way the wind blows), and by the malignant improvement their ministers make in all foreign courts, of every little accident at Philadelphia, the resolves of some town meetings, the reluctance to pay taxes, &c. &c.; all which are exaggerated to represent our governments as so many anarchies, of which the people themselves are weary, the congress as having lost its influence, being no longer respected: I say it is easy to see from this conduct, that they bear us no good-will, and that they wish the reality of what they are pleased to imagine. They have too a numerous royal progeny to provide for, some of whom are educated in the military line. In these circumstances we cannot be too careful to preserve the friendship we have acquired abroad, and the union we have established at home, to secure our credit by a punctual discharge of our obligations of every kind, and our reputation by the wisdom of our councils; since we know not how soon we may have fresh occasion for friends, for credit, and for reputation.

The extravagant misrepresentations of our political state in foreign countries, made it appear necessary to give them better information, which I thought could not be more effec+

tually and authentically done than by publishing a translation into French, now the most general language in Europe, of the book of constitutions, which had been printed by order of congress. This accordingly got well done, and presented two copies handsomely bound to every foreign minister here, one for himself, the other, more elegant, for his sovereign. It has been well taken, and has afforded a matter of surprise to many who had conceived mean ideas of the state of civilisation in America, and could not have expected so much political knowledge and sagacity had existed in our wilderness: and from all parts I have the satisfaction to hear that our constitutions in general are much admired. I am persuaded that this step will not only tend to promote the emigration to our country of substantial people from all parts of Europe; but the numerous copies I shall disperse, will facilitate our future treaties with foreign courts, who could not before know what kind of government and people they had to treat with: as in doing this, I have endeavored to further the apparent views of congress in the first publication, I hope it may be approved, and the expense allowed. I send herewith one of the copies. Yours, &c.

B. FRANKLIN."

DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

London, Feb. 23, 1784.

I have met with a report from America, that congress has come to some resolution respecting the commerve with Great Britatn, which is to depend conditionally upon the proceedings of the British parliament by the 1st of February, 1784. As they have known that the act of the last session of parliament was to terminate on the 20th of December, 1785, it was reasonable to conclude that some

proceedings would have taken place in parliament before the 1st of February, 1784. This doubtless was the intention of the last session, by the limit given to the bill. However, in consequence of the late changes, all these considerations have been postponed, by the prolongation of the late bill until the 20th of April. If therefore it has been the design of congress, to wait for some act of the British parliament respect, ing American commerce, I hope they will remain m the same sentiments, notwithstanding the delay which has hap pened from the change of the ministry, that all things may remain open between the parties for mutually beneficial and amicable intercourse. I will send you the earliest notice of any steps which may be taken here. I expect daily to hear of the ratifications of the peace from you. Pray remember 'me kindly to Mr. Jay and family, to Mr. W. T. Franklin, and to Messrs. Adams and son, if at Paris.

most affectionate friend,

I am ever your D. HARTLEY....

To CHARLES THOMSON, Esq. ** (Secretary of Congress.)

DEAR SIR,...

1

Passy, May 13, 1784.

Yesterday evening Mr. Hartley met with Mr. Jay and myself, when the ratifications of the definitive treaty were exchanged. I send a copy of the English ratification to the president. Thus the great and hazardous enterprise we have been engaged in, is, God be praised, happily completed an event I hardly expected I should live to see. A few years of peace, well improved, will restore and increase our strength but our future safety will depend on our union and our virtue. Britain will be long watching for advan tages, to recover what she has lost. If we do not convince the world that we are a nation to be depended on for fidelity

in treaties; if we appear negligent in paying our debts, and ungrateful to those who have served and befriended us; our reputation, and all the strength it is capable of procuring, will be lost, and fresh attacks upon us will be encouraged and promoted by better prospects of success. Let us therefore beware of being lulled into a dangerous security, and of being both enervated and impoverished by luxury: of being weakened by internal contentions and divisions; of being shamefully extravagant in contracting private debts, while we are backward in discharging honorably those of the public; of neglect in military exercises and discipline, and in providing stores of arms and munition of war, to be ready on occasion: for all these are circumstances that give confidence to enemies, and diffidence to friends; and the expenses required to prevent a war, are much lighter than those that will, if not prevented, be absolutely necessary to maintain it.

I am long kept in suspense without being able to learn the purpose of congress respecting my request of recall, and that of some employment for my secretary W. Temple Franklin. If I am kept here another winter, and as much weakened by it as by the last, I may as well resolve to spend the remainder of my days here; for I shall hardly be able to bear the fatigues of the voyage in returning. During my long absence from America, my friends are continually diminishing by death, and my inducements to return lessened in proportion. But I can make no preparations either for going conveniently, or staying comfortably here, nor take any steps towards making some other provision for my grandson, till I know what I am to expect. Be so good, my dear friend, to send me a little private information. With great esteem, I am ever yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

འ་ཐཱ་ !མ

SIR,

DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN.

Paris, June 1, 1784.

I have the honor to inform you, that I have transmitted to London the ratification on the part of congress of the definitive treaty of peace between, Great Britain and the United States of America, and I am ordered to represent to you,' that a want of form appears in the first para

1