assistance, and this is the time when we need

AMERICAN POLICY IN THE CASES OF KOREA AND BELGIUM'

The Special Envoy of the Korean Emperor tells for the time the full story of his attempt to get President Roosevelt to intervene against Japan.

BY HOMER B. HULBERT

A few weeks ago I published in The Times a letter asserting that Theodore Roosevelt's attack upon President Wilson for his failure to protest against Germany's attack upon Belgium came with poor grace from a man who himself was guilty of a far more reprehensible breach of international obligation in 1905, when Japan forced her protectorate upon Korea.

Mr. Roosevelt has now come out with a statement that he was wholly justified in acquiescing in the extinction of Korean independence, and

'From the New York Times, March 5, 1916.

he makes the specific charges that my statement was consciously false when I said that he was aware, in advance, of the contents of the letter which I brought to him from the Emperor of Korea. In view of this charge there is nothing left me to do but to give a full and detailed account of the entire transaction and leave it to the American people to judge whether Korea received a fair deal at the hands of the Roosevelt Administration.

At the beginning of the Japanese-Russian War the Korean Government declared its neutrality, but the Japanese ignored this declaration and committed a direct breach of international law in landing troops on the soil of the peninsula. The fact that the Korean army was too small to oppose this act detracts nothing from the culpability of Japan. Having entered the country thus illegally, Japan hastened to make a treaty with Korea whereby the latter virtually became her ally in the war and put herself in jeopardy of lawful seizure and annexation by Russia in case of Russia's ultimate success. In this treaty Japan specifically guaranteed the sovereignty of Korea from molestation. It was a war measure necessitated by the circumstances and was of a temporary character merely. In allowing Japan to take charge of the communications of the empire, Korea merely acted up to the spirit of the alliance, which was that Japan should be given every facility to prosecute the war against Russia. Whether this was pleasing to the

Korean Government or not has nothing whatever to do with the legal aspect of the case. None of the treaty powers took any action that indicated in any way their impression that this treaty was a genuine impairment of Korean autonomy, as indeed it could not be if its terms were faithfully lived up to. For Theodore Roosevelt to say that Japan by this act virtually assumed a protectorate over Korea shows either that he has only the most rudimentary notions of international law or else that the wish was father to the thought. It was no more an impairment of Korea's sovereignty than the presence of British troops in France is an impairment of French sovereignty.

But after the war was over it soon became apparent that Japan had no intention of carrying out her treaty obligations. The Emperor of Korea became convinced that the autonomy of his country was about to be impaired by his ally, the Emperor of Japan. This being the case, the time had arrived when the first clause in the treaty between Korea and the United States might rightly be cited. The Emperor asked me to be the bearer of a message to President Roosevelt, calling upon him to implement that clause of the treaty.

Now, I had been favourable to the Japanese side in the struggle against Russia, as is amply proved by my editorials in the Korea Review, of which I was the editor and proprietor. I realized that the military weakness of Korea would give Japan a chance to say that a protectorate

over the country would be necessary for Japan's safety. I therefore advised the Emperor that his appeal would be greatly strengthened if he should insert the statement that if it seemed proper to the United States and the other treaty powers interested, Korea would consent to the establishment of a joint protectorate over Korea for a period of years until things should have been so adjusted that the permanent neutrality of the country would be assured. The Emperor inserted such a clause in the letter. Having received this document for transmission, I immediately went to the United States Minister in Seoul, Mr. E. V. Morgan, and made a clear and full statement of my mission. I told him I was about to start for America with a letter to President Roosevelt from the Emperor, asking the American Government to interfere with its good offices to prevent the unlawful seizure of Korea by Japan, which seemed to be threatening. I did not propose to indulge in any clandestine operations which might embarrass my own Government. Naturally I did not make any public statement of my intentions, although several of my friends in Seoul were aware of the purpose of my going.

Mr. Morgan listened with interest to what I had to say, made no objection of any kind, and even went so far as to advise me that when I arrived in America I should retain a good international lawyer to help me put the matter through. Not only so, but he allowed me to send the document to America in the legation

mail pouch, for I was somewhat in fear that the Japanese might take it from my person as I passed through Japan on my way.

There was considerable gossip in Seoul over my sudden resignation from the service of the Korean Government and my departure from Korea with my family so promptly, and the Japanese doubtless divined the cause back of it. On the day before I started the Japanese Chargé d'Affaires in Seoul met me and urged me not to go, giving various plausible reasons, and finally making some broad hints at substantial financial advantages that I should enjoy by giving up my contemplated trip. However, I went.

I sailed from Yokohama on the China, of the Pacific Mail Steamship Line. Just before we sailed a spy in the employ of the Japanese came aboard. I recognized him, and just for the fun of the thing I kept out of his way till just a moment before the anchor was raised. Then I came upon him suddenly. He started perceptibly and stammered out something about any going on the China or the Empress of China, which sailed the same hour. I laughed and said that I was booked for the China. I have always regretted that I did not change over to the Empress boat after he went ashore, for I should have reached Washington four days earlier. At this point I would like to ask any reasonable American citizen whether it is possible to believe that Mr. Morgan did not notify the Washington Government by cable and secure instructions in the premises. If he did not do so it