promises of aid in case of further aggression by other European nations,' and succeeded in leasing Port Arthur, Talienwan, and the adjacent waters as naval bases. The Manchurian Railway Company under Russian control was given the right to construct a branch line to Port Arthur. England forced China to sign a lease of Weihaiwei together with the adjacent waters, July 1, 1898. In like manner France occupied Kwangchow Bay under a ninety-nine year lease; and Italy obtained the right to develop the port of Sanmun. In April, 1898, England and Russia made an agreement that Russia should have her sphere of influence to the north of the Great Wall of China, and England to have hers to the south.

The movement for the partition of China was thus well under way. Unless some counteracting influence was introduced, China no longer could maintain her national entity. The United States with her newly acquired insular possessions in the East could not afford to be indifferent to the partition of China. There were two courses open to her: She had either to deviate entirely from her traditional foreign policy and seize her share of land and commercial advantages in China, regardless of justice and fairness to the Chinese, or to exercise her

'For Russian intrigues in China, see Rhee, "The Spirit of Korean Independence," pp. 173, ff.

good offices to preserve the integrity of the Chinese Empire. She chose the nobler way.

On September 6, 1899, the Secretary of State, John Hay, addressed notes to England, Germany, and Russia, and later to France, Italy, and Japan, declaring the "open door" doctrine in China. This formal protest of the United States in behalf of China requested the Powers to give their official assurances to the effect: (1) that they would not interfere with any treaty port or vested interest in their respective spheres of influence; (2) that the Chinese tariff should continue to be collected by Chinese officials; (3) that they would not discriminate against other foreigners in the matter of port dues or railroad rates. England expressed her willingness to sign such a declaration, and other powers, while carefully avoiding to commit themselves, showed their accord with the principles set forth by Mr. Hay. These principles, together with the principle of the territorial and

2 For full discussion of diplomatic intercourse between the United States and other powers and the part played by John Hay, consult W. R. Thayer, "Life and Letters of John Hay," 2 vols., 1915.

This doctrine is being violated by Japanese in Manchuria now. Japanese merchants through government subsidies, special railway rebates, preferential customs treatment, and exemption from internal taxation, have monopolized the Manchurian market. Consult Millard, "The Far Eastern Question," chaps. XV-XX; Hollington K. Tong, "American Money and Japanese Brains in China," Review of Reviews, 53:452-455, April, 1916; "Japan, China, and American Money," Harper's Weekly, 62: 298-299, March 25, 1916.

administrative integrity of China, were emphasized by the American Government in the settlement of the Boxer trouble in China, and since then the principle of the "open door" in China has become an American doctrine, recognized as such by the Powers just as the time-honoured Monroe Doctrine is recognized.

2. THE BOXER UPRISING

The rapid foreign exploitation of Chinese territory, the introduction of Christianity into China, the constant bullying of the natives by foreigners, aroused the Chinese to concerted action. To the fogyish Chinese mind, everything foreign was repulsive. They could not distinguish the work of an American missionary from the opium traffic of a British merchant. The only way, they thought, that they could enjoy again the undisturbed peace of the old times was to drive all the "foreign devils" out of the country. Prince Tuan, an influential reactionary, formed an organization known as the Society of Boxers to expel all foreigners from China. This movement was secretly encouraged by the Empress Dowager, who was holding the supreme power in China after the coup d'état in 1898, and by all the reactionary officials under her. The movement spread like wild-fire, and the army of Boxers joined by imperial forces occupied Peking. Foreign repre

sentatives fled to the British Legation. Many tragic incidents occurred to both the Chinese and the foreigners in China during the struggle.' Promptly an expeditionary force composed of English, French, German, Russian, Japanese, and American soldiers marched to Peking and lifted the siege. The imperial court fled westward, and later appointed Li Hung Chang as its representative to negotiate with the Powers.

This was the most critical period of Chinese history in recent times. China had incurred "well-nigh universal indignation," as Minister Wu expressed it, when he was presenting a cablegram from his emperor to President McKinley, asking for American aid in settling her difficulties with the Powers. The Powers, with good reason, looked upon the Chinese Government as hostile, and many of them-especially Russia-were willing to consent to the partition of China. But the United States insisted on regarding the outrages as the work of insurrectionists, and remained on friendly terms with the constituted authorities, thus firmly upholding the territorial and administrative integrity

'For full account of the Boxer War, consult Paul Henry Clemants, "The Boxer Rebellion," Columbia University Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, vol. 66, 1915; Rhee, "Spirit of Korean Independence," pp. 175, ff.; Foreign Relations," 1900, pp. 77, ff.

The German troops remained at Kiaochow and took no part in the expedition, although the allied forces were led by Field-Marshal Count von Waldersee chosen as Generalissimo to satisfy the Kaiser.

of China. Then, too, many a wise statesman in the world saw a condition of general anarchy and the possibility of world war over the spoils, in case China were partitioned. It was much better for a nation like England, which enjoyed the largest foreign trade in China, to restore the status quo, and enjoy the commercial privileges, than to take the chance of losing them by partition. Thus the Powers finally followed the lead of the United States in preserving China as a nation and maintaining there the principle of the " open door."

The final protocol settling the difficulties consequential to the Boxer Uprising was signed on September 7, 1901. China agreed: (1) to punish those who were responsible for and who took part in foreign massacres; (2) to adopt adequate measures to prevent recurrence of such disorders; (3) to indemnify the losses sustained by foreign nations and individuals; (4) to improve trade relation with foreign nations.

During the lengthy negotiation prior to the signing of this protocol the United States threw the weight of its influence on the side of moderation, urging the powers not to make the burden too heavy for China. The total indemnity ($333,000,000 approximately) imposed upon China was far in excess of the actual losses sustained by the powers. The share that was assigned to the United States was a little over