had negotiated very earnestly with the Pope on this matter, and as the wishes of the latter were not unknown, the Protestants had sufficient reason to fear the issue. In order, however, in accord

44

44 Cf. Oratio de Congressu Bononiensi Caroli Imp. et Clementis Pont. in Ph. Melanchthonis Orationum t. v., p. 87. The Orations of the Pope and of the Emperor there given are not authentic in form. The narrator says: nec vero existimetis hanc narrationem fingi, sed vere institutam esse hanc deliberationem, adhuc multi norunt, qui interfuerunt, qui et sententiae summam et verba quaedam nostris amicis narrarunt. Qua de re sententiae summam fideliter recitabo, etiamsi verba omnia referre non possum.-Coelestinus (Hist. Comit. 1530 Augustae celebrat., i. 10) has incorporated both of these orations, preceded by that of the imperial chancellor, Mercurinus Gattinara, referred to in the Oratio of the Emperor as having been previously delivered; but he adds to it the remark: quamvis orationis ejus exemplum desideratur, non est tamen nobis obscurum et ignotum, haec ipsius praecipua capita fuisse, et clarissimum virum in hanc fere sententiam verba fecisse. Accordingly, all three of the orations are rhetorical amplifications of the materials; and it is therefore remarkable that Müller, s. 402, and Walch, xvi. 734, give them as the ones actually delivered at Bologna. According to other testimonies, a formal league was concluded at Bologna, of the following purport (Franc. Guicciardinus lib. xix. p. 908): Caesar et Ferdinandus, ut haeretici in viam reducantur omnem operam danto, et Pontifex sacra remedia adhibeto: quod si pertinaces perstiterint, Caesar et Ferdinandus eos armis cogunto, et Pontifex, ut caeteri christiani Principes ipsos pro viribus juvent, operam dato. On the circumstances, see Andr. Mauroceni Hist. Venetae lib. iv. (in Raynald. 1530, No. 49): Concilium novatores petebant: -is erat perversorum hominum-livor, illud in Pontificem odium, ut non ad confirmandam, sed potius ad convellendam religionem concilium postulare viderentur. Quae res Clementem permovebat, ne tam facile Caesari Germanorum nomine concilium petenti assentiretur, veritus ne illo ad labefactandam et penitus convellendam pontificiae majestatis auctoritatem abuterentur. Quocirca nonnunquam moras nectebat.-Verum quo minus probare concilium Pontifex videbatur, eo magis Germani, qui se Protestantes vocabant, instare ac flagitare, ne Clemens majora in dies incrementa suscipienti malo armis occurrendum esse sibi in animum induceret. Qua de re non modo graviter cum Imperatore egit, pecuniaeque vim obtulit, verum ea se mente esse, Reipublicae (Venetae) Oratori significavit, cunctosque Christianos Principes ad pium pro avita religione bellum suscipiendum impellendos censere: quae gravissima in re Senatus sit sententia, exquirere, consilium ab illius prudentia petere. Senatus, qui a bello atque armis abstinendum arbitrabatur, ne jactata diu Christiana republica hac tempestate in majores procellas ac turbines incideret, Pontificis egregiam mentem extollebat:-caeterum ad aleam belli nisi necessitate adactos descendere minime probare.-Tanta in re vel Senatus auctoritate vel rationibus permotus Pontifex belli consilia abjecit; cum praesertim ea temporum conditio esset, ut potius in communem hostem arma vertenda, quam in propria viscera saeviendum esset, cum indies Solimannum ingentibus copiis in Pannoniam reversurum, Viennam oppugnaturum rumor afferret: neque Caesar ab iisdem consiliis abhorrebat, potiusque concordiae rationes inveniri, quam armis decerni cupiebat, in id summopere intentus, ut Ferdinandum fratrem procerum suffragiis Romanorum Regem crearet: quocirca religionis causam in futurum concilium distulit. No wonder that suspicious reports of these negotiations came into Germany. Thus, May 17, 1530, in a letter of George Curio, there came from Venice to the Elector of Saxony the tidings (Coelestini Hist. Comitiorum ann. 1530 Augustae celebratorum i. fol. 42, verso ff.), Italos in eo totos esse, omnesque suas actiones et conatus tantum eo dirigere, ut Germania vi et armis opprimatur, funditus deleatur et eradicetur. Rumorem illic quoque surrexisse, Romanum Imperatorem conjunctis cum Pontifice viribus et foedere facto Lutheranos ilico oppressurum, ac nisi paruerint, vi et armis coacturum esse. That the Roman Curia did, in fact, not cease advising the Emperor to violent measures is proved by the Instructions which the papal legate, Campeggio, handed to him at the Diet of

45

ance with the summons, to be prepared with an exhibition and defense of the new doctrines, the Elector not only asked from his theologians their opinions in writing (The Torgau Articles), but also took with him to the diet the theologians, Spalatin, Melancthon, Justus Jonas, and Agricola, while Luther, being outlawed, was obliged to remain behind in Coburg, the nearest Saxon city. Thus the Elector, on the 2d of May, entered into the city of Augsburg, where an unusually large number of persons were present at the diet, in which, as it appeared, a final decision was to be made upon the religious matters so long kept in suspense.

§ 5.

CONTINUATION TO THE RELIGIOUS PEACE OF NUREMBERG, 23d JULY,

1532.

I. On the History of the Diet of Augsburg. Documents collected in Müller's Historie v. der Evangel. Stände Protestation (see §. 4, Note 29), in Walch, xvi. 841 ff. Dr. K. E. Förstemann's Urkundenbuch zu der Gesch. des Reichstages zu Augsburg im J. 1530, 2 Bde. Halle, 1833-35. 8. On a codex in the former university library of Helmstadt: Acta in Comitiis Augustanis anno 1530, see Henke et Bruns Annales Literarii, ann. 1784, vol. ii. p. 97.

II. Contemporaneous Reports. Reports of the embassadors of Nuremberg present at the diet, published in part in Strobel's Miscellaneen literarischen Inhalts, ii. 1, iii. 193;

Augsburg (Ranke, Fürsten u. Völker von Süd-Europa im 16ten u. 17ten Jahr., ii. iii. and iv. 266). The Emperor was exhorted to unite with the Catholic estates, to work against the Protestants, at first with promises and threats, and then by violence, and, after their suppression, to establish an Inquisition. — By confiscations money enough might be gained for the war with the Turks.

45 Letter of the Elector to Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Melancthon, Mar. 14, 1530 (in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch zu d. Gesch. des Reichstags zu Augsburg im J. 1530, i. 40): A high necessity demands "dass wir aller der Artikel halben, darum sich angezeigter Zwiespalt, beide im Glauben, und auch in andern äusserlichen Kirchenbräuchen und Ceremonien erheldet, zum furderlichsten dermassen gefasst werden, damit wir vor Anfang solches Reichstags beständiglich und grundlich entschlossen seyn, ob oder welcher Gestalt, auch wie weit wir und andere Stände, so die reine Lehre bey ihnen angenommen und zugelassen, mit Gott, Gewissen und gutem Fug, auch ohn beswerlich Ergerniss Handlung leiden mugen und konnen." The theologians were to hand in their opinions at Torgau to the Elector on the Sunday Oculi.-Formerly it was generally taken for granted that, in consequence of this demand, the Schwabach Articles were again presented, and that on this account they were also called Torgau Articles. Only Bertram (Hall. Anzeige, 1786, s. 447) and Weber (Gesch. d. Augsb. Confess., i. 16) opposed this view, and rightly; for the injunctions of the Elector would not have been satisfied by the Schwabach Articles, which gave a representation of the Christian faith in opposition to the Zwinglians. Förstemann (in the work cited before, i. 66) has published several written summaries of doctrine (reprinted in Melancth. Epistol. ed. Bretschneider, iv. 973) by theologians of this period, which he holds to be the Articuli Torgavienses. According to Bretschneider, p. 981, the articuli non concedendi were the first of these (s. 93), and the last eight are lost.

complete in different parts of Melanchth. Epistt. ed. Bretschneider, ii. 50 ss., used in D. C. Fikenscher's Gesch. des Reichstags zu Augsburg, 1530. Nürnberg, 1830. 8. Reports of the embassadors of Heilbronn, Ulm, and Esslingen, are used in Dr. C. Pfaff's Gesch. des Reichstags zu Augsburg, 1530. Stuttgart, 1830. 8. Immediately after the diet appeared, with the imperial privilege, the Catholic representation: Pro Religione Christiana Res Gestae in Comitiis Augustae Vindelicorum habitis. 1530.4. (reprinted in Cyprian's Hist. der Augsburg. Confession, Appendix, s. 85). To refute it, the Saxon chancellor, Dr. Gregorius Brück, wrote a History of the Diet, which has only recently been published in Förstemann's Archiv f. d. Gesch. der kirchl. Reformation, Bd. i. Heft 1. Halle, 1831. 8. Spalatin's Annalen, edited by Cyprian, s. 131-289.

III. Later Works. Historia der Augsb. Confession durch Dav. Chytraeum (Prof. in Rostock). Rostock, 1576. 4. Newlich vermehrt. Rostock, 1576. 4 (Latin, by Matth. Ritter, preacher in Frankfurt a. M., 1578). Hist. Comitiorum anno 1530 Augustae celebratorum, in quatuor Tomos distributa, per Georg. Coelestinum (provost in Cöln, on the Spree). Francof. cis Viadrum, 1577 fol. Both works contain many documents. Chr. Aug. Salig's Hist. der Augsburg. Confession, Th. i. s. 153-381. Planck's Gesch. des Protest. Lehrbegriffs, iii. i. 1-178. [Wiber, Gesch. d. Augsb. Conf. Frankf., 1783-84. 8. Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, 2. 8. Halle, 1835. A. G. Rudelbach, Die Augsb. Conf. 1830 and 1841. Other histories for the jubilee of 1830, by Hammerschmidt, Schott, Fikenscher, Facius, etc. Cf. Sartorius, Die Augsb. Conf. Editions by Twesten, 1816; Winer, 1825; Tittmann, 1830; Francke, 1846; Müller, 1848. An English translation, with Introduction and Notes, by Rev. W. H. Teale. Leeds, 1842. 8. Compare, also, Heppe, Bekenntnissschriften d. Altprot. Kirche Deutschland, 8. 1855.]

1

As the Emperor was slowly journeying from Italy to Augsburg, where the princes were awaiting his coming, the most violent opponents of the Protestants, Duke George of Saxony and Elector Joachim of Brandenburg, went to meet him, that they might enlist him more fully against the Reformation. His hostility was made manifest, even before his arrival, in the reproaches he addressed to the Elector of Saxony;2 and, on the very day of his arrival, in his exhortation to the Protestant princes to take part in the procession of Corpus Christi on the next day. Their determined bearing, however, soon convinced him that nothing was to be gained by fear and threats.

Melancthon had made use of his six weeks of leisure, after his arrival in Augsburg, in completing a Confession, on the basis of

1 Spalatin's Annals, s. 132; Seckendorf, ii. 155, s.

2 Comp. Brück's Geschichte, in Förstemann's Archiv, i. i. 23 ff. The Instructions of the Emperor, May 25, to the Counts of Nassau and Nuenar, sent to the Elector, in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, i. 220; they contain reproaches about his (the Elector's) nonobservance of the Edict of Worms, a summons to Munich, and a demand that the Protestant sermons in Augsburg be suspended.-The answer of the Elector, ibid. s. 224. -Immediately after his arrival in Augsburg, the Emperor commanded that no preachers should speak in public but those appointed by himself; see the Report on this point, ibid. s. 267. The report of the Nuremberg embassadors, in Melanchth. Opera, ed. Bretschneider, ii. 113; that of Brenz, ibid. s. 114; Spalatin, s. 133; Brück, s. 38 ff.

3 Brück, s. 26. Coelestinus, i. fol. 80, verso ss.

the Schwabach and Torgau Articles, in which the doctrines and principles of the new Church were so exhibited as to be intelligible to all, and yet in a conciliatory spirit. Religious matters

4

The Schwabach Articles are the basis of the first part of the Confession, containing the articles on the faith; the Torgau, of the second part, on abuses. The Confession, in its first draft, completed as early as May 11 (see the Elector's Letter to Luther of this date, in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, i. 190): "Nachdem ihr und andere unser Gelehrten zu Wittenberg auf unser genädigs Gesinnen und Begehr die Artigkel, so der Religion halben streitig seind, in Verzeichnus bracht, als wollen wir euch nicht bergen, dass itzt allhie Mag. Ph. Melanchthon dieselben weiter ubersehen und in einen Form gezogen hat, die wir euch hiebey ubersenden. Und ist unser genädigs Begehren, ihr wollet dieselben Artigkel weiter zu ubersehen und zu bewegen unbeschwert seyn, und wo es euch dermassen gefällig oder ichtwas darvon oder darzuzusetzen bedachtet, das wollet also darneben vorzeichen." Luther answered, 15th May (de Wette, iv. 17): “Ich hab M. Philippsen Apologia uberlesen: die gefället mir fast wohl, und weiss nichts dran zu bessern, noch ändern, wurde sich auch nicht schicken; denn ich so sanft und leise nicht treten kan." The Emperor's arrival being delayed, Melancthon used the time in making a more careful revision of the different articles. Mel. ad Lutherum, dd. 22. Maj. (ed. Bretschneider, ii. 60): In Apologia quotidie multa mutamus: locum de votis, quia erat exilior iusto, exemi, supposita alia disputatione eadem de re paulo uberiore. Nunc de potestate clavium disputo. The Confession was first presented in Latin, and only in the name of the Elector. It was thus communicated to the delegates of the cities on the 31st of May; the Nuremberg embassadors sent to the Council of Nuremberg on the 3d of June (Mel. Opp. ed. Bretschneider, ii. 83), "Abschrift des sächsischen Rathschlags (that is, of the Saxon proposals about the Confession to be handed in) Lateinisch, und ist die Vorrede oder Eingang darbei. Aber es mangelt hinten an einem Artikel oder zweien, samt dem Beschluss, daran die sächsischen Theologi noch machen.— So dann solcher Rathschlag ins Teutsche gebracht, wird der E. W. auch unverhalten bleiben." The Confession was then, by the desire of the Protestant princes and cities, made in the name of all of them, translated into German, and in this form communicated, June 14, to the delegates of the cities (Ex diario, in Cyprian's Hist. der Augsburg. Confession, s. 249). This German Confession was the one sent by the Nuremberg embassadors, June 15 (Bretschneider, ii. 105): it had not the preface nor the conclusion; but the articles on Faith and Works were added, which are not in the above Latin copy. These embassadors reported, 19th June (1. c. p. 112): "Der Beschluss-ist noch nicht gemacht. Denn wie sich Philippus Melanchthon vernehmen lässt, wird vielleicht die Sach zu keiner so weitläuftigen Handlung gelangen, sondern noch enger eingezogen und kürzer gefasst und gehandelt werden." The secretary of the Emperor, Alphonsus Valdesius, had begun negotiations with Melancthon (Mel. ad Camerarium, June 19, in Bretschneider, ii. 119; the Nuremberg Report, June 21, ibid., p. 122; Spalatin's Report, in Walch, xvi. 912), in order to ascertain more exactly what the Lutherans wished; and had demanded of him to write down for the Emperor "the articles which the Lutherans desired to have, in the shortest manner.' Whether Melancthon handed in any thing in reply, and what it was, is uncertain. At any rate, it is not the essay given by Coelestinus, fol. 93, b., with the conjecture, even then disputed by Chytraeus, that it was composed for that occasion. (This essay is reprinted and commented on in the work: Ph. Melancthon's Unterschied der Evangel. und Papistischen Lehre, edited by Strobel. Nürnberg, 1783. 8.) These negotiations undoubtedly delayed the completion of the Augsburg Confession. So that when, on Wednesday, June 22, the Protestant princes were called upon to hand in their Confession on the 24th, no clean copy of it was on hand, and they at first asked for delay (Brück, s. 50 f.). The German Confession, after Melancthon had made changes in it up to the very last moment (Nuremberg Report, 25th June, in Bretschneider, ii. 129: "Gemeldte Unterricht, so viel die Glaubensartikel belanget, ist in der Substanz fast dem gemäss, wie wir es E. W. vor zugeschickt, allein

were the first subject brought before the diet; and the work of Melancthon, the Augsburg Confession, was read in German in the session of the diet on the 25th of June, 1530, and handed to the Emperor in both German and Latin. By this Confession

dass es noch in etlichen Stücken gebessert, und allenthalb aufs glimpflichste gemacht -ist"), was engrossed and laid before the Protestant estates (1. c. p. 127; ex diario, in Cyprian, s. 250). The Latin Confession appears to have been handed in in Melancthon's writing (Weber's Gesch. d. Augsb. Confess., i. 51). Of the German Confession, the proper original one, there appears to have been, on the 25th of June, only the draft presented to the Emperor; the copy made for Nuremberg was not yet finished (the Nuremberg Report, June 25, in Bretschneider, ii. 129). Since these copies, now, and the others intended for the Protestant estates, were made from Melancthon's draft, in itself hardly legible, and made more illegible by many alterations, it is not surprising that the copies still extant, which the estates took with them on their return home, deviate here and there from one another.-The Confession was subscribed by the Elector, John of Saxony, George, Margrave of Brandenburg, Ernst, Duke of Lüneburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, and the two cities, Nuremberg and Reutlingen. Cf. Köllner's Symbolik der Luther. Kirche. Hamburg, 1837, s. 153.

5 On the reading of this by the Saxon chancellor, Dr. Bayer, see Spalatin's Annalen, s. 134 ff.; Brück, s. 55. The Emperor gave the German copy, as the authentic one, to the Elector of Mayence for the imperial archives; the Latin he retained. The latter, with all the original acts of the diet, came afterward to the Council of Trent, and was not returned (Weber's Gesch. d. Augsb. Confess. i. 233); if it is still extant, it is probably to be found only in Rome. The Latin copy was kept by the Emperor, and deposited in his archives at Brussels, where, according to the testimony of several witnesses, it was still to be found, 1560-68 (Weber, i. 76 ff.). The Emperor requested that the evangelical estates should not have the Confession printed without his knowledge (Brück, s. 55). Editions of it were, however, at once issued in several places (six German and one Latin are known; see Weber, i. 353); and as these were made from copies of earlier drafts, and were incorrect, Melancthon published an edition in 1530, during the session of the diet, in both German and Latin, in Wittenberg (Praef. Nunc emittimus probe et diligenter descriptam confessionem ex exemplari bonae fidei); it was issued in 1531, in 4to, with the Apology annexed. The subsequent editions by Melancthon are altered; but the first one has been often since reprinted as the authentic copy (Weber, ii. 23). But the stricter Lutherans mistrusted even this first edition of Melancthon. The Elector Joachim II., of Brandenburg, therefore caused a comparison to be made by Coelestinus, 1566, with the alleged original in the imperial archives in Mayence (Weber, i. 109); and the Elector August, of Saxony, had an attested copy of it made in 1576. This is the source of the German text in the Corpus Brandenburgicum, and in the Concordia; but the alleged original was only a poor copy, put in the place of the original, which did not come back from Trent; yet it was considered to be the original work (Weber, i. 137, 162, 187). Afterward even this copy was lost, and the German edition of Melancthon of 1540, also found in the Acts of the Empire, has been held to be the original. The Duchess of Weimar, in 1767, received a copy of this, and Weber published an edition, Weimar, 1781, which he erroneously thought to be the Augsburg Confession after the original copy in the imperial archives. He found many opponents, especially Panzer and Bertram; was convinced of his mistake, and made it good by his Kritische Geschichte der Augsb. Confession aus archivalischen Nachrichten, 2 Theile. Frankf. a. M., 1783–84. 8.—As to the Latin text, Coelestine's allegation, in his Hist. Com., ii. 169, that his edition was after the original in the imperial archives, is incorrect (Weber, i. 65, 70); the text of the first edition of Melancthon is adopted in the Concordia. Thus a German text, most nearly conformed to the original, is to be got from the first edition by Melancthon, and such copies of it as are still extant, made at the diet for the Prot