6

the Margrave George of Brandenburg in 1532; and in the Preface he expressed much regard for them, and showed great leniency toward their peculiar dogmatic formulas. Thus he regained the confidence of the Brethren, and was often visited and questioned by them. Following the example of the German Protestants in Augsburg, the Brethren also handed in a Confession of Faith' to by Walch, xiv. 306). A new translation is the Apologia verae doctrinae eorum qui vulgo appellantur Waldenses vel Picardi, oblata D. Georgio March. Brand. nunc demum multis in locis aucta et recognita anno 1538. Viteberg. 4. reprinted in Lydii Waldensia, I., ii. 92. In the time between the first and this revised translation occurred the discussions of the Brethren about the Iteratio baptismi of those who were converted from Rome: this rebaptism had been until now a custom with them, but it was abolished. In the Apologia, in the Preface, f. 2, and Pars IV. De Baptismo aquae, f. 77, there is a long discussion of the reasons which had previously led them to adopt rebaptism, and for its present abolition. The fides Christi is, after f. 25, illius misericordiae, nostri gratuito miserentis, habenda fiducia. Fol. 69: Sacramenta quemadmodum sunt res externae sensiles et terrenae, ita etiam ad externos corporeosque sensus percellendos, a quibus mens et intellectus omnia recipiunt,-instituta: quorum quidem quaedam ab ipso Christo, quaedam vero ab Ecclesia tradita sunt.-Quae vero institutionis Christi sunt, haec apud nos modis omnibus praestare, ac incomparabiliter magis ad rationem salutis requiri. That the bread and wine in the Lord's Supper are truly the body and blood of Christ, is often insisted upon; but it is further explained, f. 101 verso: Quod si quis adhuc mentem nostram in iis requirat audireque velit, dicimus, credimus et asserimus, corpus Christi hic esse vere, spiritualiter, efficaciter, sacramentaliter, sed non corporaliter, sive sensibiliter corporibus, sed bene spiritibus ac mentibus nostris.

5 Luther here says that for a long time he could not understand the explanations of the Brethren about their doctrine, because they made use of entirely different expressions. But after much discussion with them about their doctrine of the Lord's Supper, he had ascertained that they agreed with him that in the Sacrament the true body and blood of Christ were received. "Da ich das Stücke befand, ward ich gelinder gegen ihrem Thun, weil sie doch sonst von der heil. Dreyfaltigkeit, von Christo, von dem ewigen Leben, u. von allen Artikuln des Glaubens nicht unrecht lehreten noch hielten, u. beschloss, weil sie nahe bey der Schrift geblieben, dass man sie gar unbillig Ketzer gescholten hätte, sonderlich bey den Papisten." He published this book to promote agreement with the Brethren. "Denn wiewohl ich obgenannter Brüder Weise zu reden nicht weiss anzunehmen; so will ich sie doch auch wiederum nicht übereilen, noch so eben zwingen, nach meiner Weise zu reden, sofern wir sonst der Sachen eins werden u. bleiben, bis dass Gott weiter schicke nach seinem Willen. Denn weil sie ihre Lehre in einen solchen Methodon oder Ordnung gefasset haben, desgleichen weder der Papst noch alle die seinen nicht haben;-so haben doch wir auf unserm Theil eine heller u. gewisser Weise,-von der Gnaden u. Vergebung der Sünden zu reden, weil wir die Werke u. Glauben so rein u. richtig von einander scheiden, u. einem jeglichen sein eigen Art u. Amt zuschreiben.-Derhalben befehle ich dies Büchlein zu lesen u. zu urtheilen allen frommen Christen, u. bitte, dass sie mit uns allesammt beten wollen Gott unsern Vater um Einträchtigkeit der Lehre u. des Glaubens: u. ob jemand wäre, dem nicht gnug in diesem Büchlein geschehen wäre, der wollte das ansehen, wie sie sich demüthiglich erbieten, u. wenn sie schon nichts anders damit verdienen, so ists doch billig, dass man sie das zubrochen Rohr u. glummend Tocht seyn lasse. Denn wir alle selbst auch noch nicht so ganz u. vollkommen sind.”

Thus in 1535 some Brethren were with him; see his letter to their Senior, Benedict Gübe, April 18, 1535 (de Wette, iv. 599), also 1536 and 1542; see Comenius, ed. Buddeus, p. 23, 25.

7 Prooemium Confessionis ann. 1573, in Camerarii Hist. Narratio de Fratrum Orthod.

King Ferdinand in 1533. However, they only acquired that silent toleration which had been long conceded to them on account of the circumstances of the times.

Among the Calixtines, too, the doctrine of Luther soon gained an entrance.8 An assembly of the Estates in January, 1524, assented to articles which provided for the continuation of the reformation begun by Huss, in the way set forth by Luther. And the opposing party, which was strongest in Prague, effected the abolition of these articles, in July, 1524,10 and the renewal of the validity of the old compactata; yet the number of the Lutheran Calixtines greatly increased, and the only difference between them and the Brethren consisted in their not adopting the strict church discipline of the latter.11

Thus, at the period of the Smalcald war, the largest part of Bohemia was attached to the Reformation. In the attack on the Elector of Saxony all these Utraquists likewise saw that their own faith was in peril. Hence their estates denied to King Ferdinand the aid of their troops; they assembled of their own motion, prepared an army, and united with the Elector. 12 After the defeat of the latter, they were also obliged to submit.13 ThereEcclesiis in Bohemia, p. 270: confessionem hanc Ecclesiarum nostrarum, reliquis pleniorem, Bohemica lingua a nostris conscriptam anno 1535, exhibuerunt Regi-Ferdinando II. Domini, qui Ecclesiis nostris conjuncti sunt et in sua ditione locum nobis concedunt. Qui Rex et accepit et respondit Dominorum nostrorum legatis benignissime, eaque confessio mox typis expressa bohemice, et paulo post in linguam latinam conversa, ut Vitebergae typis exprimeretur. Confessio Fidei ac Religionis Baronum ac Nobilium regni Bohemiae Seren. ac Invict. Romanorum Bohemiae, etc., Regi Viennae Austriae sub anno Dom. 1535, oblata. Witeberg, s. a. 4, with a Preface by Luther, reprinted in an Appendix to Lydii Waldensia, tom. ii (also in Niemeyer, Collectio Confessionum in Ecclesiis Reformatis publicatarum, p. 771).

8 Letters of two Utraquist clergymen to him, 1519; see above, § 1, Note 50. Luther's Admonition to the Bohemian land assembly, July 10, 1522, in de Wette, ii. 225.

• See Libri de Casibus et Seditionibus in Communitate Pragensi regnante D. Ludovico Rege Hungariae. These make the seventh book in G. B. Pontani a Braitenberg Bohemia Pia. Francof. 1608, fol. p. 94. See those articles, ibid. p. 98.

10 The counter articles set forth by the magistracy of Prague; see in Bohemia Pia, p. 103. On these controversies between the strict Utraquists and the adherents of the German Reformation, see Von Bucholtz, Gesch. der Regierung Ferdinands I., iv. 439.

11 The envoys of the Brethren, who came to Luther in 1542, related (Comenius, ed. Buddeus, p. 25), quomodo Hussiticae per Bohemiam et Moraviam Ecclesiae paulatim in Lutheranismum transeundo, doctrinam quidem Evangelii recipiant, in vitae tamen christianae studio nihil emendent. Remque illam detrimento cedere Ecclesiis nostris. -dum licentiosi alibi quoque purum Evangelium sine disciplinae jugo haberi posse jactantes, ut se nobis nemo amplius adjungat, nonnulli etiam recedant, efficiant.

12 Menzel's neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, iii. 74 ff. Von Bucholtz, Gesch. der Regierung Ferdinands I., vi. 341.

13 Menzel, iii. 211. Von Bucholtz, vi. 404.

upon Ferdinand (1547) gave orders that in the royal domains in future only Catholics and Utraquists, after the standard of the compactata, should be tolerated, but not the Picards, or Brethren. Many of the latter now emigrated to Poland and Russia; but the larger part contrived to maintain their ground in Bohemia and Moravia.14

The Calixtines, too, would not be brought back to the compactata, but adhered in part to the Lutheran, in part to the Swiss Confession.15 Next, when the Jesuits, from 1552, came into Bohemia taking the lead in fighting against the Reformation,16 they insisted that these compacts should be enforced; while the Calixtines struggled, on the other hand, to have them done away. Maximilian II. behaved very circumspectly toward the latter," but could not wholly protect them against the persecution of the Catholics, newly stimulated by the Jesuits.18 When, in 1575, the Calixtines and Brethren united,19 and handed to the King at the Diet,

14 Adr. Regenvolscii Systema Historico-chronolog. Ecclesiarum Slavonicarum Traj. ad Rhen. 1652, 4, p. 194. The Edict read, Ut omnes Picardi, qui nec Romanae, nec Bohemicae, i. e. Calixtinae Ecclesiae subjici vellent, divenditis suis bonis intra dies 42 omnibus regiis possessionibus excederent. Illi enim, qui in fundis degebant Baronum et equestris Ordinis virorum, nequaquam exterminati sunt. Lochner's Entstehung u. erste

Schicksale der Brüdergemeinde (Nürnberg, 1832), s. 54 ff. Von Bucholtz, vi. 432. 15 Regenvolscius, p. 70. Succedebant porro Calixtinis in Bohemia et Moravia non solum Lutherani sive Augustanae Confessionis, sed etiam Helvetici seu Helveticae Confessionis socii. Lutherani passim, Helvetici in ditionibus Nobilium et civitatibus quibusdam coetus suos habebant.-Utrique loca et templa Calixtinorum occupabant, et in plerisque ritus eorum externos sequebantur. Omnes autem isti Evangelici, tam Fratres, quam Calixtini, iique postea alii Lutherani, alii Helvetici, nominabantur vulgo sub utraque, nempe specie, coena Domini utentes, eoque titulo a Pontificiis, qui sub una, discriminabantur.

16 First 1552, Colloqui in Prag, Balbinus Epit. rerum Bohem. lib. v. c. 12, p. 593. 17 Thus he conceded on the petition of the estates sub utraque, that in the confirmation of landed privileges the compactata be omitted; see Die andere Apologia der Stände des Königreichs Böheimb, so den Leib u. Blut unsers Herrn u. Heilands Jesu Christi unter beider Gestalt empfahen, aus der Bohm. Sprach in die Teutsche versetzt, ann. 1619. 4. (particularly important on account of the 135 documents appended, pp. 121-505), s. 130.

18 See the document on grievances of 1575, in the Andere Apologia, s. 136.

19 After the precedence of the Consensus Sendomiriensis, agreed upon in 1570 between the Brethren, the Lutherans, and the Reformed in Poland. Comenius, ed. Buddeus, p. 41: Anno 1575, celebravit Maximilianus comitia Pragae, ordinesque Regni sub utraque syncretismum sub communi unius confessionis tessera inire permisit, frustra id, quanquam omni nisu, tam Jesuitis quam Pseudo-Hussitis impedire tentantibus. Cum enim supplicibus suis libellis protestationibusque inter alia inseruissent, Ordines sub utraque non esse in fide unanimes, sed fovere inter se Piccardos, Calvinistas, Lutheranos: Ordines, ut consensum testari possent, confessionis communis conscribendae iniverunt consilium, electris ad haec theologis certis, illisque ex Baronum, Nobilium, et Civico Ordine inspectoribus datis. His ergo magistri Pragenses obtulerunt libros M. Hus

for his assent, a common confession,20 Maximilian, in view of the opposition of the Catholic estates, did not venture to give more than an oral pledge.21 Under the government of Rudolph, which immediately followed (1576), the Jesuits obtained a preponderating influence. Now the compactata alone were held to be valid; and there was much oppression of all that went beyond them, especially of the Brethren.22 By a letter patent, forced from the Emperor by the circumstances (January, 1609), entire legal equality with the Catholics23 was indeed given to all the adherents of the Confession of 1575; but still, even in the reign of the Emperor Matthias (from 1611) there were many violations of that religious

si, veterumque Bohemorum de religione facta synodica et comitialia decreta. Qui Augustanam confessionem erant amplexi (magna jam Ordinum pars), obtulerunt eandem confessionem suam, sicut et suam illi qui ex fratribus erant. Conferebant ergo in singulis fidei articulis et sensum, et loquendi formulas singularum partium, exprimebantque formulis talibus, quibus quaelibet pars subscribere posset et vellet, ad particulares nimis subtiles et scholasticas quaestionum differentias non descendendo. Comp. Die Documente in Z. Theobaldus, Hussitenkrieg. Nürnberg, 1621, in the Appendix.

20 It was originally written in Bohemian, and published first in German at Amberg, 1609, 8vo (also in the Appendix to Theobald), and in Latin at Frankfort, 1619 (also in Niemeyer, Collectio Confessionum, p. 819). It is called the Bohemian, and also the Augsburg Confession, because held by those in Bohemia who sympathized with the Augsburg Confession. See Köcher's Die drey letzten und vornehmsten Glaubensbekenntnisse der Böhm. Brüder. Frankf. u. Leipz. 1741, 8vo; in the Historical Preface, p. 70. This common Confession should not be confounded, as is often done, with one that was previously handed in to the Emperor by the Brethren; for the Confession given to King Ferdinand in 1535 (see Note 7) was revised in Bohemian in 1564, then translated into German and presented to King Maximilian. Thereupon it was rendered into Latin, provided with a Proemium of the date 1572 by the clergy of the United Brethren, and published with an approving preface by the theological faculty of Wittenberg, in two editions, one Latin and the other German, at Wittenberg, 1573, 8vo. (Comp. the Proemium to this edition; also given in Camerarius, p. 271.) The Latin edition may also be found in the Appendix to Lydii Waldensia, ii.

21 See the guarantee about their Confession of the Estates sub utraque, in the Andere Apologia, s. 130.

22 Die andere Apologia, s. 9. In particular, the archbishop demanded that the priests sub utraque should be consecrated by him, and take a wholly Catholic ordination vow (see this in the Andere Apologia, s. 140).

23 Der Majestätsbrief v. Jahr 1609, aus einer Böhm. Urkunde übersetzt, mit Anm. von Joh. Borott. Görliz, 1803; comp. Schmidt's Neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, Buch iii. cap. 21. Häberlin's neueste teutsche Reichsgesch., xxii. 601. By this their own Consistory was guaranteed to the Utraquists, the University of Prague given up, the choice of defensores allowed, and the provisions of the treaty of Augsburg extended to them. "Es sollen auch wider den obbemeldeten errichteten Religionsfrieden, u. wider die von Uns ihnen, den Ständen sub utraque, ertheilte feste Sicherung keine Befehle, u. nichts dergleichen, was ihnen irgend worin die geringste Verhinderung oder einige Abanderung verursachen könnte, weder von Uns, Unsern Erben u. nachfolgenden Königen in Böheim, noch von sonst jemandem an sie ergehen, auch von ihnen nicht angenommen werden. Wenn aber auch des etwas erfolgen, oder von wem immer angenommen werden möchte, soll es keine Kraft haben," etc.

pledge.24 At last the Archbishop of Prague and the Abbot of Braunau, by seizing the newly-built evangelical churches, occasioned a general insurrection (1618).25 Matthias died during these disturbances, and the Estates refused to acknowledge as king his successor, Ferdinand II.,26 known to be a fanatical Catholic, and committed their crown to Frederick V., the young Elector of the Palatinate. When he was defeated, and Bohemia plundered by the armies of Ferdinand, the land lost not only its civil, but also its ecclesiastical freedom. Under the direction of the Jesuits, the regulations against all that were not Catholics became more strict from year to year,27 and ended in 1627 with a demand enforced upon all, either to become Catholic or to quit the country. Ecclesiastical commissions went from place to place, and saw to it that the order was enforced.28 Many yielded, at least externally, to the necessity; great crowds wandered to Saxony, Poland, and Prussia; but not a few were still enabled to maintain themselves in their fatherland, and to be true to their old faith, though with the greatest secrecy."

29

§ 15.

POLAND, PRUSSIA, AND LIVONIA.

In Poland,' where the Hussite opinions had already in former

24 Sce Die andere Apologie, s. 19. Pelzel's Gesch. der Böhmen; Prag u. Wien, 3te Aufl., 1782, Th. 2, s. 680. Menzel's neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, vi. 159.

25 Die andere Apologie, s. 28, 109. Menzel, vi. 164.

26 See § 11, Notes 28 and 29. Compare Wolf's Maximilian, iii. 664; iv. 224.

27 Under direction of the papal nuncio, Car. Carafa: at first, from fear of Saxony, it seemed as though the persecution of the Utraquists would be confined to the Calvinists; but it soon became general: see § 12, Note 3. At first, 1620, the Jesuits were restored; 1621, all Calvinistic ministers were expelled as rebels (Carafa Germania Sacra Restaurata, p. 98: me pro muneris mei ratione diligenter instigante. Comp. the Decreta in the Appendix, p. 62, 63); 1622, the University of Prague was manned with Catholics (Pelzel, ii. 741); in spite of all the representations of Saxony, at the repeated urgency of the nuncio, the Lutheran preachers were expelled (Carafa, p. 134 sq.); 1623, the Emperor himself came to Prague, and encouraged this work of conversion (Carafa, p. 153 sq.); 1624, decrees were issued that only Catholics could become citizens, and marry (Carafa, Decreta, p. 75, 78).

Compare (J. A. Comenii) His-
Pelzel, ii. 745 ff.

28 The imperial Instruction, in Carafa, Decreta, p. 86. toria Persequutionum Ecclesiae Bohemicae, s. 1. 1648, 12. 29 See Carpzov's Religionsuntersuchung, s. 241. Especially in the Duchy of Friedland, in the district of Wsetinen, and under the barons of Zerotin and Waldstein.

1 Adriani Regenvolscii (a fictitious name; it was a Reformed preacher, Andreas Wengierski), Systema historico-chronologicum Ecclesiarum Slavonicarum Ultrajecti, 1652. 4. Stanisl. Lubieniecii, Equitis Poloni, Hist. Reformationis Polonicae. Freistadii, 1685.