spite of this, the attempt to gain a sure footing for Catholicism in Sweden, his subjects became more and more alienated.31 In 1599 decisive conditions were laid before him; he replied in an unsatisfactory manner; whereupon Gustavus Vasa's youngest son, Charles IX., was first appointed Administrator of the kingdom, and then, in 1604, made King 32 Though inclined to Calvinism, he was obliged to yield to the general zeal for Lutheranism;33 and to this Sweden has remained true without swerving.

$ 19.

IN ITALY.

Dan. Gerdesii Specimen Italiae reformatae. Lugd. Bat., 1765. 4. Thom. M'Crie's History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy. Edinb. and London, 1827; 2d ed., 1833; in German by Dr. G. Friederich. Leipzig, 1829. 8.

pagatam cupiunt. Ad officia publica etiam politica nulli promovebuntur in patria, qui Religionem Evangelicam nolunt salvam, quin potius qui eam serio defendere volunt publicis officiis praeficiantur. To quiet his conscience, Sigismund, by advice of the nuncio who accompanied him, handed in a secret protestation (Ranke, Fürsten u. Volker von Südeuropa im 16ten u. 17ten Jahrh., iii. 381), come S. Ma non con la voluntà sua ma per pura forza si era indotto a concedere ciò che haveva concesso; and the nuncio at the same time induced him, che concedesse da parte agli cattolici altretanto quanto haveva conceduto alli heretici, which was in direct contradiction with the public pledge. This last he at once broke by putting Catholics in state offices, and restoring Catholic worship in four places.

31 At the Diet of Söderköping, October, 1595, the entire regency had already been committed to Duke Charles, and the following decree passed (Baaz., p. 567): Quanquam promiserit Rex noster ore et manu, non esse sua indulgentia hic tolerandos alienae Religionis docentes; tamen videmus multos in patria remanere post Regis discessum factionis Jesuviticae socios, qui non solum publica habent exercitia Holmiae, in Drotningholm et Wastenis: sed frequenter oberrant in patria, ut simpliciores decipiant. Concludimus igitur purgandam necessario esse patriam ab his omnibusque Sectariis, et approbamus unanimi consensu, ut omnes Sectarii ab Evangelica Religione alieni, qui sedem elegerunt in patria, omnes ac singuli intra spatium sex hebdomadum toto Regno discedant, aut auctoritate Magistratus compellantur abire. Officiarii politici, qui a Sectariis sunt seducti, nec amore nostrae Religionis tanguntur, hi sunt ab officiis removendi. Maneant tamen Sueci in patria privatam vitam agentes,-quamdiu scandala Religionis non pariunt. By order of the duke, the archbishop, Abraham Angermann, thereupon had a general church visitation, 1596, to extirpate all relics of the papacy (Baazius, p. 571 ss.). The cloister at Wadstena was now abolished.

32 Exegesis historica non minus aequas quam graves causas commemorans, quibus Ordines Sueciae Sigismundum renunciantes-Carolum-subrogarunt. Stockholmiae, 1610. 4. (originally written in Swedish at the request of Charles IX.; translated into Latin by John Messenius).

33 In his regal pledge, March 27, 1607, he confirmed the decrees of the Council of Upsala (Geijer, ii. 335). When afterward the Scotchman, John Forbesius, invited by a Calvinistic party at the court, defended the Calvinistic decretum absolutum (Baazius, p. 623 ss.) in a disputation at Upsala, Nov. 17, 1608, the King too became inclined to Calvinism (Baazius, p. 660).

[Kiesling, Epistola de Gestis Pauli III. ad Emend. Ecclesiae spectantibus, Lips., 1747. Schelhorn, De Consilio de emendanda Eccl. jussu Pauli III., sed ab eodem neglecto, Tiguri, 1748. De Porta, Hist. Ref. Eccl. Rhaeticarum. D. Erdmann, Die Reformation u. ihre Märtyrer in Italien, Berl., 1855. Jules Bonnet, Vie de Olympia Morata, 3me ed., 12mo, Paris, 1856.]

In Italy a widely diffused culture was favorable to the Reformation; on the other hand, national pride, the power of the hierarchy, and the self-interest of Italy, aided by the papal omnipotence, worked against it. On this account it had currency almost exclusively among the cultivated, and but a slight hold upon the people. Luther's writings and those of other reformers were early and warmly welcomed; they were reprinted in part under fictitious names, that they might be circulated without impediment.? Then, too, the years of the war that began in 1526 were favorable to the diffusion of the new ideas; for then the clerical oversight was lessened, and many zealous Protestants also came to Italy in the imperial army which plundered Rome in 1527, and for a long time afterward tarried in Naples.3

The good right of the German Reformation, in opposition to ecclesiastical mechanism and the fatal doctrine of salvation by works, was conceded by the more enlightened Italians, and also by the clergy, in wide circles. Hence the study of the Scriptures was enlivened, and Antonio Brucioli first published a correct and

1 The Basle bookseller, John Froben, reports to Luther, Feb. 14, 1519, about his writings (Tom. i. Jen. fol. 367, b.): Calvus bibliopola Papiensis-bonam libellorum partem in Italiam deportavit, per omnes civitates sparsurus. Neque enim tam sectatur lucrum, quam cupit renascenti pietati suppetias ferre.-Is promisit ab omnibus eruditis in Italia viris Epigrammata se missurum in tui laudem scripta. Such an epigram, composed in Milan, 1521, see in Schelhornii Amoenitates hist. eccl. et liter., ii. 624.

2 Thus, especially Melancthon's Loci Theologici, in an Italian translation, published by Paul Manutius in Venice; I principii della Theologia di Ippofilo de terra nigra (Scaligeriana secunda, p. 207). Several of Luther's writings were circulated anonymously; Zwingle's went under the names Coricius Cogelius and Abydenus Corallus; Bucer's under the name Aretius Felinus.

Paul Sarpi Hist. du Concile de Trente trad. par Courayer, i. 85: Dans l'Italie même plusieurs personnes goutèrent la nouvelle Réforme. Car ayant été deux ans sans Pape et sans Cour Romaine, on regardoit les malheurs, qu'elle avoit essuyés comme l'exécution d'une sentence de la justice divine contre ce Gouvernement; et l'on prêchoit contre l'Eglise Romaine dans les maisons particulières de plusieurs Villes, et sur-tout à Faenza Ville du Domaine du Pape, en sorte que l'on voyoit augmenter tous les jours le nombre des Luthériens, qui avoient pris le nom d'Evangeliques. Clement VII. said, in his brief to the inquisitor in Ferrara and Modena, 15th Jan., 1530 (Raynald. h. a., No. 51): Cum, sicut ex relatione pro parte tua nobis facta cum gravi nostrae mentis molestia innotuit, in diversis Italiae partibus adeo pestifera haeresis Lutheri non tantum apud saeculares personas, sed etiam ecclesiasticas et regulares, tam mendicantes quam non mendicantes, invaluerit, ut aliquando nonnulli ex eis suis sermonibus et verbis, et quod deterius est publicis praedicationibus tali labe plerosque inficiant, caet.

readable edition of the Holy Scriptures. At the same time, among the more earnest minds, Augustinianism gained a hold, as being the most decided antidote to the corruption of the Church. Many distinguished men remained in this stage, kept from further steps partly by the fear of a division in the Church, and in part by some other doctrines of the German reformers. They were the more inclined to remain true to the Church when the Pope, Paul III., raised several of them to the cardinal's dignity, and gave them great influence, particularly Gasparus Contarenus, in 1535,6 Reginald Pole in 1536,7 Federicus Fegosius, Archbishop of Salerno, in 1539,8 John.de Morone, Archbishop of Modena, in 1542.9 Others, however, united more decidedly with the German reformers; and, even when they did not wholly abandon the Catholic wor

The New Testament was first published, Venice, 1530. 8. The whole Bible, 1532, fol. Comp. Schelhorn's Ergötzlichkeiten, i. 379, 643.

Comp. Ranke's Fürsten u. Volker von Südeuropa im 16ten u. 17ten Jahrh., ii. 132. Marcus Antonius Flaminius takes an important position among them at the court of Ferrara; he died 1550. Comp. Joach. Camerarii Narratio de Flaminio (prefixed to an edition of his letters, Noriberg, 1571. 8., and in Schelhornii Amoenitates literariae, x. 1149) and Schelhorn de religione M. A. Flaminii, in his Amoenit. hist. eccl. et lit., ii. 1. His chief writings were his Comm. in Psalterium, a metrical paraphrase of thirty psalms, sacred poems, and epistles. He every where teaches the entire inability of man to good, and his salvation only through faith. He says in a letter (Schelhorn Amoen., ii. 141): Vitae Christianae summa est accepta ab hominibus gratia Evangelii, i. e., justificatio per fidem. Comp. p. 102 s. and 115 s. On the other hand, he defends the mass in a letter to Carneseca (1. c., p. 146), propterea quod execranda secta Zuingliana progreditur omnino crescendo, et multi sequentes opinionem Lutheri condemnant idololatriam Missae. Comp. p. 154: Et nos, vir praestantissime, si non volumus naufragium facere in istis periculosissimis scopulis, humiliter abjiciamur coram Deo, neque induci nos sinamus ulla ratione, quantumvis verisimilis appareat, ut nos separemus ab Ecclesia catholica.— In voluntate autem judicandi res divinas humana disputatione refutabimur abs Deo, et his contentiosis temporibus ita applicabimur uni parti, et odio prosequemur alteram, ut penitus amittamus judicium ac caritatem, et perhibeamus lucem tenebras, et tenebras lucem, et persuadendo nobis, quod simus divites ac beati, erimus pauperes, miseri et miserabiles, quod non sciamus separare pretiosum a vili, quae scientia absque spiritu Christi doceri non potest.-Wholly in the same evangelical spirit with the commentary of Flaminius is the Comm. in Psalmos, written by Jo. Bapt. Folengius (Benedictine in Monte Cassino, † 1559 in Mantua); see extracts in Gerdes, p. 257 ss.

Two old biographies of him, an anonymous Italian, and one in Latin by Jo. Casa; see in Regin. Poli Epistt., ed. Quirini, P. iii. Praef., p. 97 et 142.

7 Sleidan already says of him, lib. x. (ed. am Ende, ii. 54): Qui familiariter hominem norunt, Evangelii doctrinam ei probe cognitam esse dicunt. Against Surius, who declares this to be a calumny, see Schelhorn Amoenit. hist. eccl. et lit., i. 141 ss. Polus is very harshly judged as a hypocrite in an anonymous work, written by P. P. Vergerius: Giudizio sopra le lettere di tredici huomini illustri, 1555; see the passage in Schelhorn, 1. c. ii. 7 ss.

On his Trattato della Oratione, see Riederer's Nachrichten, iv. 118, 232.

9 Cardinal Giovanni Morone, in Münch's Denkwürdigkeiten zur politischen Reformations- u. Sittengeschichte der drey letzten Jahrhunderte (Stuttgart, 1839), s. 175.

ship, they formed societies for religious instruction and edification. The difference between these two parties, the Protestant Evangelical and the Catholic Evangelical, really consisted only in the importance they attached to the unity of the Church; and yet it was so impossible for the former class to manifest their real alienation from the Church by any decisive outward manifestation, that in the case of many men it could hardly be determined to which class they belonged; and both parties, too, were kept by personal friendship in many relations to each other.

The more decided advocates of the Reformation first came out openly in Ferrara, after the marriage of the French princess, Renata,1o in 1527, with the Duke Hercules II.: she gave them protection. From this point Protestantism spread into Modena, where it was welcomed, especially in the Academy." In Venice,12 too, it had friends very early; their numbers rapidly increased; they found powerful advocates, and were diffused through the territory of the republic, particularly in Vicenza and Treviso. Reformatory ideas were first introduced into Naples with the imperial army : they gained a more decisive influence through the efforts of a Spanish nobleman, Juan Valdez,13 who came thither in 1535 as secretary of the Viceroy, and died in 1540. Here, also, the two

10 Renea v. Este u. ihre Töchter, von E. Münch, 2 Bde., Aachen u. Leipzig, 1831 u. 33, kl. 8.

11 In 1542 it was the general report that Modena was città Lutherana (Quirini in the Praef. to Poli Epistt., T. iii. p. 84).

12 Luther writes, as early as March 7, 1528, to Gabr. Didymus (de Wette, iii. 289): Laetus audio de Venetis quae scribis, quod verbum Dei receperint. When unfavorable rumors about Melancthon's yielding disposition were in circulation in Augsburg, 1530, the Venetian, Lucio Paolio Roselli, wrote to him two letters of counsel and encouragement, July 26 and Aug. 1, 1530 (in Mel. Opp. ed. Bretschneider, ii. 226 u. 243). In the first he writes: Scias igitur, Italos omnes expectare Augustensis hujus vestri conventus decreta. Quicquid enim in eo determinatum fuerit, id caeterae omnes christianae provinciae approbabunt ob Imperatoris praecipue auctoritatem. In 1539 Melancthon wrote ad Venetos quosdam Evangelii studiosos (usually wrongly cited ad Senatum Venetum; see Schelhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten, i. 422 ff.; the letter itself, see in Bretschneider, iii. 745), unfolding to them the principles of the Reformation in Germany, and warning them as to the Unitarianism of Servetus. In 1542 Balthasar Alterius (Altieri. comp. on him F. Meyer's die evang. Gemeinde in Locarno, i. 33, 36, 465), secretary of the English embassador at Venice, wrote to Luther (the letter is in Seckendorf, iii. 401) in the name of the Fratres Ecclesiae Venetiarum, Vicentiae et Tarvisii, and asked him to persuade the German princes to cause letters of recommendation to be written to the Senate, ut permittant quemlibet ritu suo vivere, dum tamen seditio et publicae quietis perturbatio caveatur. Luther answered 13th June, 1543, and 12th Nov., 1544 (de Wette, v. 565, 695). 13 On Valdez, see Schelhorn Amoen. hist. eccl., ii. 47; M'Crie, Gesch. der Reform. in Spanien, translated by Plieninger, s. 148 ff.; Dr. C. Schmidt in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol., vii. iv. 123.

most remarkable preachers of Italy became favorable to the Reformation, viz., Bernardino Ochino,14 General of the Capuchins, and reverenced almost as a saint, and Peter Martyr Vermigli,1 the learned Augustinian. From this circle16 proceeded, in 1540, the

14 (Burc. Gotth. Struve) De Vita, Religione, et Fatis Bern. Ochini Senensis, in the Observationes Halenses, iv. 409. De B. Och. Dialogorum libris, ibid., v. 1. De B. Ochini Scriptis reliquis, ibid., v. 64. Nachlese von B. Ochini Leben u. Schriften, in Schelhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten, iii. 765, 979, 1141, 2129. [Bock, Historia Antitrin., 1784.]

15 P. Mart. Verm. Florentini Vita per Josiam Simlerum Tigurinum. Tiguri, 1563. 4. ; recusa in Gerdesii Scrinium Antiquarium, iii. 1; also in Melch. Adamus, in his Vitae Theologorum exterorum principum. F. Ch. Schlosser's Leben des Theodor de Beza u. des Peter Martyr Vermili. Heidelberg, 1809. 8. s. 363. Vie de Pierre Martyr Vermigli, Thèse par Ch. Schmidt. Strasb., 1835. 4. [Also in Hagenbach's Leben u. Schriften d. Reformatoren, by C. Schmidt, 1859.]

16 On these occurrences in Naples there is a report by the Catholic Ant. Caracciolus in the Vita Cajetani Thienaei, who, with Joh. Petr. Caraffa, had founded the Order of the Theatines (Ant. Caracc. de vita Pauli IV. Collectanea hist. Colon. Ubiorum, 1612. 4. p. 239 ss., and Acta SS. August. II., 297 ss.): Haeretici homines regiam urbem Neapolim-Lutheriana labe inficere studuerunt. Nam primo Germani equites ad duo mille, et sex millia peditum, qui post direptam Romam eo convolaverant, ut Lauthrecum obsidentem repellerent, impii dogmatis, quod Luthero propinante imbiberant, multa et nefaria exempla passim ediderunt. His posteà alio amandatis unus Joannes Valdesius Hispanus, qui anno 1535, Neapolim venit, longe majorem mentium stragem dedit, quam multa illa Haereticorum militum millia. Hic enim literis tinctus iis, quae ad comparandam eruditi opinionem satis vulgo essent, placido adspectu, quique innocentiam prae se ferret, comitate suavitateque sermonis teterrimam impietatem incredibili vaframento occultabat. Itaque brevi ad se traxit multos his artibus illectos deceptosque. In his duo fuere, ceteris omnibus insigniores, et digna corvo ova, Bernardinus Occhinus, et Petrus Martyr Vermilius, ambo haereticorum postea Antesignani. Bernardinus, magni concionator nominis, ostentatione asperrimi victus atque indumenti, egregiae sanctitatis famam sibi conciliaverat. Petrus vero, linguarum peritia excultus in coenobio S. Petri, cui praeerat, epistolas Pauli Apostoli publice exponendo ad sensum haereticorum dextere pervertebat. Initium detegendae impietatis a Nostris (the Theatines) factum: quippe Cajetanus, perspicaci vir ingenio, rem odorari coepit. Advertit enim dogmata, quae illi Satanicae Reipublicae Triumviri de purgatoriis poenis, de summi Pontificis potestate, de libero hominum arbitrio, de reorum justificatione passim inspergebant, sapere novitatem temerariam, atque adeo detestabilem impietatem. Observaveratque Occhinum ab usque anno 1536, quo in aede S. Joannis Majoris concionatus fuerat, ambiguis quibusdam dilemmatis, et obtrectatione in ecclesiasticos magistratus coepisse auditores nequissimis persuasionibus inescare. Hoc vero anno 1539, nempe paulo post quam Nostri Paulinam aedem adepti sunt, is ipse Occhinus cilicino indumento, et raucis declamationibus, h. e. instrumentis ad concitandam multitudinem instructissimus, e Metropolitani templi pulpito multo liberius apertiusque Lutheriana serebat dogmata. Cajetanus igitur, qui ad hos audiendos observandosque et ipse ire, et alios dedita opera mittere solitus erat, nihil jam cunctandum ratus Cardinalem Theatinum (Caraffa), qui tum Romae Paulum III. P. M. ad instituendum in ea urbe supremum Inquisitionis magistratum magis magisque sollicitabat, de iis rebus atque hominibus impiis certiorem fecit; et Neapolitanos interim ipse monuit, ut porro sibi caverent. Denique conatus est modis omnibus hypocritis illis larvam detrahere. Quocirca etsi illi sub ovina pelle lupi aliquot annos cum magna Campaniae pernicie latitaverunt; tamen aliquando tandem, crescente nimirum in dies nequitiae suspicione, et patefactis promiscuis et pudibundis virorum ac foeminarum coetibus, quos clanculum cogebant, omnes ut periculo praeverterent, quod sibi ab urbe imminebat, alius alio aufugerunt. The Reformed Josias Simler relates, on the other