rone34 was imprisoned until the death of this Pope. To put a stop to one of the chief sources of heresy, Paul V. published, in 1559, an Index librorum prohibitorum,35 as a strict guide in detecting and burning heretical books.

In this perilous time the rumor of the Reformation penetrated to a small body of Waldenses, who had been living for centuries in two cities of Calabria, Santo Xisto and La Guardia; by external conformity to Catholic usages, insuring a peaceful enjoyment of a purer doctrine. Aroused by the new movement, they turned to Geneva, received preachers from that city, and adopted the Genevese church constitution.36 But in this way they brought

34 Jo. Ge. Frickii de Jo. Morono, Articulisque quibus tanquam Lutheranismi suspectus accusabatur, in Schelhornii Amoenitates Literariae, xii. 537. Card. Giov. Morone, Beitrag zur Gesch. desselben, in Münch's Verm. Hist. Schriften, ii. 111. Ibid., Denkwürdigkeiten zur Gesch. der drei letzten Jahrh., s. 213. The articles upon which he was accused are published by P. P. Vergerius, 1558, reprinted in Schelhorn, 1. 1., p. 568. The chief points of accusation: Art. 3. Dixit Concilium Tridentinum quoad articulum justificationis esse retractandum. 4. Scripsit Vicario suo Mutinensi, quod faceret intimare populis, quod deberent tantummodo confidere in sanguine Christi. 5. Tenuit, Sacerdotem non absolvere poenitentem, cujus audit peccata in confessione sacramentali, sed tantum declarare absolutum. 7. Tenuit, Pontifici non esse parendum uti Vicario Christi, sed tantummodo tanquam Principi temporali. 8. Tenuit, opera nostra, quantumcunque in gratia Dei facta, non esse meritoria. 10. Tenuit, sanctos non esse invocandos. 18. Quod libellum intitulatum Beneficium Christi (see Note 17) distribuendum curavit, et bibliopolae haeretico, seu de haeresi suspecto mandavit, ut hujusmodi libellos venderet quam pluribus posset, et iis, qui non haberent, dono traderet, quia ipse pecuniam illorum solveret. In the following articles he is charged with holding intercourse with heretics, particularly those in Bologna and Modena.

35 P. P. Vergerius published them with notes (Opp. i. 236). On this writes the Venetian, Natalis Comes, in his Historiarum tui temporis (Venet., 1581), lib. xi., f. 263: Exiit edictum, ut libri omnes impressi, vel compositi, vel explanationibus ab haereticis scriptoribus contaminati, at non illustrati, sanctissimis magistratibus quaesitionum ubique afferrentur, propositis etiam gravissimis suppliciis, si quis illos occultasset, suppressisset, ac non obtulisset. Tanta concremata est omnis generis librorum ubique copia et multitudo, ut Trojanum prope incendium, si in unum collati fuissent, apparere posset. Nulla enim fuit Bibliotheca vel privata vel publica, quae fuerit immunis ab ea clade, ac non prope exinanita.

36 Hier. Zanchii Epist. ad Jo. a Lasco, 1558 (in his Epistoll. Hanov., 1609. 8., lib. ii. 236) In Calabriae castellis duobus, quorum unum est sub ditione Ducis Montis alti, alterum est cujusdam Nobilis Neapolitani, reperta sunt quatuor millia fratrum, e reliquiis illorum fratrum, qui Waldenses appellantur. Ii annos permultos incogniti, tuto in paternis aedibus vixerunt. Etsi enim Missas non probabant, sentiebant tamen posse eas a fidelibus salvis conscientiis adiri. At ubi hanc malam doctrinam dedocti fuerunt, omnes simul ab eis abstinuerunt. Itaque factum est, ut non potuerint amplius latere. Persecutio igitur adversus illos est excitata. Scripserunt ad fratres Genevam, ut tum precibus, tum consilio, tum etiam humana ope se adjuvent. To this is to be added what is written by Florillus to Cratalorus (see Note 37): Antea quam Geneva discederem, misimus ad eorum instantiam duos ministros verbi, et duos scholae literariae magistros. Ministri anno praeterito (1560) fuere martyrio affecti, unus Romae, qui vocabatur Jo. Aloysius Pascalis ex Cunio civitate, alter Messinae, Jac. Bonellus, ambo Pedemontani: hoc autem anno residuum illorum hominum martyrio ibi deletum est.

themselves under the notice of the persecutors of heresy, and both congregations were wholly rooted out in a terrible massacre, in 1560.37

The numerous Protestants in Venice had until now been little affected by the general persecution; but when, in 1560, they called a preacher to form a church, terrible barbarities began to be practiced upon them, and many of them were drowned by night in the sea.38 Even in the seventeenth century some Protestants were secretly living in Venice; but the republic was falsely judged when charged with an inclination for Protestantism on account of its opposition to the papal usurpations.39

In all other parts of Italy the vestiges of Protestantism were destroyed with inflexible strictness under Pius V. (1566–72), who had previously been the president of the Inquisition.40 Among the many who under him fell a sacrifice to their convictions, the most celebrated were the two learned men, Pietro Carnesecchi," a Florentine, in 1567; and in 1570 Aonio Paleario,42 professor of eloquence in Lucca.

37 Simon Florillus, preacher in Chiavenna, writes about it to Wilh. Cratalorus, in Basle, 1561, and sends him the narrative of a Catholic eye-witness of this slaughter: both letters are in H. Pantaleonis Martyrum Historia, Basil., 1563, p. 337, and in Gerdesii Ital. Reform., p. 133.

36 M'Crie, p. 224 ff.

39 Versuche zu Anfange des 17ten Jahrh. die Reformation in Venedig einzuführen, von Mohnike, in Schubert's Abhandlungen der kön. Deutschen Gesellschaft zu Königsberg, ii. 165. To help in forming a judgment about it may serve the letter of Paul Sarpi to the French canonist, Jacques Leschasser, of 12th May, 1609 (in Le Bret's Magazin, i. 489): Observasti tu quidem, quibus rationibus Germania et Anglia ritus religionis mutaverint. At nos neque illae, neque valentiores ullae ad mutandos inducent. Certas leges et mores, licet minus bonos, ferendos tamen, ne mutationibus assueti cuncta mutare in animum inducamus, scis sacras inter leges principem locum tenere. Quibus legibus parcendum putabimus, si summas contempserimus? Imo cum Pontificibus haec nobis contentio, quod illi ritus et disciplinae leges quotidie mutare volunt, quas nos manere cupimus, ne status reipublicae concutiatur.

40 Gerdesii Italia Reform., p. 143. M'Crie, p. 262.

+ De Petri Carnesecae Martyrio in Schelhornii Amoen. Hist. Eccl., ii. 180. Gerdesius, p. 143, 205. M'Crie, p. 277.

42 Opp. ed. Amstelod. 1696, ed. F. A. Hallbauer, Jenae, 1728. 8., prefixed to the latter edition is also a vita Palearii von Hallbauer. Comp. Schelhorn Amoen. Hist. Eccl., i. 425. Gerdes, p. 150, 314. M'Crie, p. 286. [Comp. above, Note 17.]

§ 20.

IN SPAIN.

A. F. Büsching Comm. de Vestigiis Lutheranismi in Hispania. Götting., 1755. 4. Geschichte der Verbreitung des Protestantismus in Spanien, aus d. Franz. Leipzig, 1828. 8. Particularly Dr. Thom. M'Crie, History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Spain. Edinburg and London, 1829 (German by G. Plieninger, with a preface by Dr. F. C. Baur. Stuttgart, 1835. 8.).

[The Spanish Protestants, and their Persecution by Philip II.; by Señor Don Ad. de Castro, transl. by Thom. Parker, 8vo. Lond., 1851. Sanctae Inquisitionis Hisp. artes aliquot detectae: Reginaldo Gonsalvo Montano auctore; Heidelb., 1567: this is the original Spanish martyrology. Engl. transl., 1569, in 3 vols. 8vo. Comp. Essays of Cardinal Wiseman, iii. 1-159. Rossiew St. Hilaire, Histoire d'Espagne, Tom. vii., new ed., 1853 sq., is full on the Reformation. Dunham's Spain and Portugal, 5 vols., in Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopedia.]

1

The indignation of the Spaniards, still glowing against the oppression of the Inquisition, naturally produced a certain susceptibility to ecclesiastical changes. In narrower circles a mystical tendency had gained ground, and in connection with this a more spiritual tone of piety. Among the learned the writings of Erasmus were much read, and awakened a disposition to examine the condition and relations of the Church.3 Thus the soil was prepared for the new ideas of the Reformation, when these began to penetrate into this country also, favored by the union, under one ruler, of Spain with Germany and the Netherlands. The writings of Luther were diffused in numerous copies, coming especially from Antwerp, and also in Spanish translations. The Inquisition soon found cause to persecute men of high standing among the clergy and men of learning for holding Lutheran or mystical opinions, while the mass of the people were filled with horror at the

1 See M'Crie, p. 114 sq. On the attempt of the Cortes of Castile, Aragon, and Catalonia, at the accession of Charles V., to procure a reformation of the Inquisition, see Llorente's Hist. of the Inquisition in Spain, i. 376. The Cortes of Aragon actually procured from Leo X. three briefs (1519) enjoining upon the Inquisitors to proceed according to the common law, and providing that they should be proposed by the bishops, and visited by them every three years; ibid., p. 395 ss. But the King and the Inquisition were opposed, and started negotiations and intrigues in Rome. Leo's death put an end to the matter.

2 See M'Crie, p. 152. The Spanish mystics (called Alumbrados, Illuminati, on account of the value they ascribed to the internal illumination) are described in the Indulgence of the Spanish Inquisition, January 28, 1559, in Llorente, ii. 3.

3 M'Crie, p. 136.

So, in particular, 1527, Juan de Avila, commonly called the apostle of the Anabaptists; see Llorente, ii. 6. Compare, on his remarkable work as a priest, Nic. Antonii Bibliotheca Hisp. Nova, Tom. i. (Matriti, 1783, fol.), p. 639.

Lutheran heresy by revolting accounts of it.

However, from 1530, when the Emperor first returned to Germany after several years of absence, many Spaniards in his suite became acquainted with the true genius of the Reformation, and were converted to it. Several of them fell a sacrifice to their faith while still away from their fatherland; others, immediately after their return, fell into the hands of the Inquisition; yet still the Reformation, from this time onward, began to make important though secret progress in Spain. Seville and Valladolid were its chief seats. In Seville

66

5 Spalatin's account of the Diet of Augsburg (Luther's Werke von Walch, xvi. 912): Alphonsus (Valdez), Kais. Maj. Hispanischer Canzlar, auch Cornelius, haben etliche freundliche Gespräch mit dem Philippo gehalten, ihm angezeigt, dass die Hispanier beredt sind, als sollten die Lutherischen an Gott nicht gläuben, auch an die heil. Dreyfaltigkeit, von Christo u. Maria nichts halten, also dass sie meyneten, wo sie einen Lutherischen erwürgeten, Gott einen grössern Dienst zu thun, denn so sie einen Türken erwürgeten."

Thus was it in case of Jacobus Enzinas, or Dryander, who was burned in Rome in 1546; M'Crie, p. 187. Most terrible was the assassination of John Diaz by his brother, in Neuburg, in 1546; see the account of a companion of the unhappy man, a Savoyard, Claud. Senarclaei Hist. Vera de morte Jo. Diazii, 1546. 8. (reprinted in Gerdesii Scrinium Antiqu., viii. 389). Sleidanus, lib. xvii. ed. am Ende, ii. 435. Seckendorf Hist. Luth., iii. 653. M'Crie, p. 190. Comp. Veesenmeyer in Illgen's Zeitschrift. f. d. hist. Theol; new series, i. iii. 156.

7 Particularly Alfonso de Virves, a Benedictine, chaplain of Charles V., who had taken him with himself to Germany, and afterward would not hear any other preacher. He was imprisoned 1534, and obliged, in 1537, to renounce several Lutheran positions ; Llorente, ii. 8. On account of the favor of the Emperor, he was, however, in 1540, made Bishop of the Canary Islands, and wrote, to purify himself from all suspicion, Philippicae disputationes XX. adversus Lutherana dogmota per Phil. Melancththonem defensa. Antverp. 1541. Disp. XIX. is remarkable, where he shows that heretics should be convinced, but not maltreated.

The Inquisition itself helped to making known the Lutheran doctrine, by adopting into the decree of denunciation, annually proclaimed, the Lutheran doctrines, not, indeed, without perversions; Llorente, ii. 1; iv. 418 sq. The inferences which the Inquisitors drew from them also served for their further explanation. Thus it is related by Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus (Raymond Gonzalez de Montes, a Spanish Dominican, who in 1588 escaped from the prison of the Inquisition in Seville, and went over to the Reformation, Llorente, ii. 23), Sanctae Inquisitionis Hispanicae artes aliquot detectae, Heidelbergae, 1567. 8., p. 31, that a simple peasant was subjected to examination by the Inquisition, because he had said, praeter Christi sanguinem nullum se aliud purgatorium agnoscere. He was immediately ready to recant, but the Inquisitors, not contented with this, ex illa praemissa deducunt misero aratori: ergo Ecclesia Romana, quae contrarium suis legibus decrevit olim, errat. Item, errat Concilium. Item justificationem sola fide constare, in qua et noxa et poena homo sit absolutus: et ut tandem finiamus, ex istis deducunt totam illorum dogmatum concatenationem, quas ipsi haereses vocant, onerantque singulis his miserum hominem, ac si omnia disertis verbis asseruisset, vel ipso obstinate reclamante, asserenteque, se neque scire quidem quid ea sibi velint, abesse tantum, ut ea aliquando venissent in mentem. Quis non videt, quam haec agendi ratio plena sit fraude doloque ac diabolica plane calumnia, quantum est ex sancto illo officio? Verum spectanda adorandaque hic maxime est divina providentia erga eos, quos elegit, qui cum commodioribus ad ipsorum vocationem atque VOL. IV.- -19

the movement was initiated by Rodrigo de Valero; the most distinguished preachers of the city, Doctor John Egidius, 10 and the Emperor's chaplain, Constantine Ponce de la Fuente," became connected with it. Into the cloisters of Seville, too, especially in that of San Isidro del Campo, belonging to the Hieronymites, the Reformation found an entrance. In Valladolid it received, in 1555, a distinguished leader, the imperial chaplain, Augustine Cazalla,12 and likewise made converts in the cloisters. Besides this, from Béarn, which was wholly Protestant, it was widely diffused in many cities of Aragon. In public its adherents were only distinguished by a simple, Biblical mode of teaching, and they avoided all opposition to the Church; but in private they taught all the doctrines of the German Reformers."

institutionem mediis privati sint, hoc eodem adeo adverso―eos vocat, erudit, collustrat. Ipsi enim Inquisitores, qui fidei ac veritatis ipsius extirpatores sese profitentur, illi ipsi, inquam, sunt eo, quem diximus, modo ejusdem veritatis concionatores, doctores, propagatores. Id clarissimis multorum exemplis est compertum, qui in ipsorum manus inciderunt, complurium rerum ad ipsorum salutem pertinentium ignari, tantum videlicet quod temere potius quam certo consilio garrierint, non esse Purgatorium, vel quid simile, ipsorum vero Inquisitorum quaestionibus, consequentiis, inductionibus congrue minusve deductis, egressi sunt insigniter instituti, cujus rei vel is ipse rusticus, de quo jam diximus, luculentum exemplum esse possit.

Who in 1541 was confined in a cloister; see Regin. Gonsalv. Montanus, p. 259. M'Crie, p. 155.

10 Montanus, p. 256 ss. M'Crie, p. 161.

In Seville, where Egidius gained him for the Gospel, the Emperor heard him preach, and made him his chaplain. He went with Prince Philip to Belgium and England. During the Smalcald war he had, in Biberach, a remarkable conversation with Jac. Schopper, by which his knowledge of the Gospel was enlarged and confirmed (see the account in Jac. Schopperi Orat. de Vita et Obitu sui parentis, p. 26, republished in Andr. Caroli Memorabilia Eccles. saec. xvii., T. i., p. 342). In 1555 he returned to Seville, and became professor of theology in the college there. Montanus, p. 275. Antonii Bibl. Hisp., i. 256. M'Crie, p. 216.

12 M'Crie, p. 235.

13 Montanus, p. 238: Erant Hispali illius tempore factiones duae concionatorum, quos auditorum studiosa partium ingens turba sequebatur. Alia, si verba ipsa spectares, ad Epicteti Stoici placita, quam ad Scripturae sacrae normam accedebat propius, eo Epicteto inferior, quod iste factis sermoni consentaneis serio videretur agere, illa omnino secus. De crebris enim jejuniis, de mortificatione et abnegatione sui, de perpetuo precando, de prae se ferenda submissione ac dejectione animi, quam humilitatem ipsi vocant, in ipso vestitu, sermone, vultu, ac in universa demum vitae ratione multus ac pene infinitus sermo: at sub ista adeo plausibili ac speciosa pietatis larva, si propius inspexisses, vidisses, ne quid durius dicam, plane homines. Summa, sanctimoniae totius proram et puppim, quod ajunt, in operibus adversus contrariae factionis institutum collocantes, actuosi inprimis videri cupiebant. Eo studio, utpote ex ignoratione verae justitiae nato, ad Missas complures, ad sacrorum locorum frequentationes, ad Confessionis et communionis, quas vocant, usum frequentissimum, et ad multa alia nugamenta ;—a verae justitiae exercitiis, judicio scilicet et misericordia, atque adeo ab ipsa fide, unica acquirendae justitiae ratione, expiationis ergo divertebant. Urgebant paupertatem ac