and even, in 1535, invited Melancthon to come to him, that he might introduce attempts at peace and mediation in the sense of Erasmus; but Melancthon did not come. After this, too, the et magis quoque perniciosa pericula crearentur. Nam perturbatus hac re populus, territae multorum cogitationes; concitati Magistratus, inflammatus Rex gravissima judicia instituerunt, nec immerito, si tamen in re modus servari posset. Latomus, then professor in Paris, wrote about it to Erasmus (Erasmi Epistt. Basil., 1538, p. 1097): Fuimus praeterita hyeme in magno periculo et invidia Germani omnes in hac urbe propter quorundam temeritatem, qui libellos seditiosos non solum tota urbe Parisiorum, sed etiam in aula Regis fixerant. Dederunt tamen illi poenas: atque utinam omnes dedissent: Sed interim et alii complures eadem tempestate abrepti sunt. The King excused himself to the German princes in his letter of Feb. 1, 1535 (in Freheri Scriptt. Rerum Germ., iii. 295, in Melancthon's German translation in Bretschneider, ii. 828. It is dated Feb. 1, 1534, more Gallico, the year beginning at Easter): Quum ad nos delatae fuerint impudentes quaedam calumniae, quae per Germaniam totam disseminatae, nominis nostri honorem et decus labefactarent;-facturos nos operae pretium putavimus, si illis ipsis calumniis responderemus.-Superiori autumno post Legati mei a vobis reditum, quum is ab iisdem vestris concionatoribus quosdam velut isagogicos libellos de sedandis iis controversiis attulisset, et cur non spe imbuerer optima initio nihil esset; ecce nobis dissensionum et mendacii parens, veritatis et quietis hostis, quosdam excitavit furiosos magis quam amentes, qui omnium expetendarum rerum subversionem haud dubie moli. rentur ac tentarent, quorum ego paradoxa malo iisdem sepeliri tenebris, unde subito emerserant, quam apud vos, amplissimi ordines, hoc est in orbis terrarum luce, memorari. Tantum hoc dico, si qui unquam inter vos eorum similes, aut longo etiam intervallo ab iis separati extiterunt; abominati (ut debuistis) illos atque execrati estis omnes. Quae nimirum contagiosa pestis, atque ad deterrimam spectans seditionem, ne latius in Gallia serperet, omni sollicitudine, opera, industria restiti. In conscios omnes, quicunque fuere deprehensi, uti more majorum ac legibus animadverteretur, effeci, nulli hominum generi parcens aut nationi. 9 The King, in this matter, was chiefly led by the brothers Jean and Guillaume du Bellay, the first of whom was Bishop of Paris and cardinal in 1535, the other a minister of the King; John Sturm, then professor in Paris, also joined them. Melancthon sent a memorial, in August, 1531, to Guillaume Bellay, setting forth the simplest essentials of the new doctrine, and how it could be united with the Catholic doctrine (Consilium de moderandis controversiis religionis scriptum a Ph. Mel. ad Gallos, in Bretschneider, iii. 741). By these men the King was made acquainted with Melancthon and his Loci Communes, which work pleased him much. Sturm wrote this to Melancthon, and invited him to France, dd. 4. Mart., 1535 (Bretschneider, ii. 855). About the sentiments of the King he says: Videt in altera causa, quae vetusta est, tamen multa esse vitia, in altera, quae veritate nititur, plurimum periculi a cupidissimis et seditiosissimis hominibus. Melancthon answered cordially, but not without scruples, dd. 9. Maj. (1. c., p. 874): Jam si id agatur, ut, etiamsi leviores quidam articuli nobis donentur, tamen reliqui graviores obruantur et deleantur, ego neque causae publicae neque Ecclesiae profuero. Thereupon a formal invitation followed, in a letter from the King of June 23, and others, from Cardinal Bellay, June 27 (ibid., p. 879), from Sturm (ibid., iv. 1029), and Guillaume Bellay (ibid., iv. 1033), brought by a special envoy, Barnabas Voraeus Fossa. Melancthon asked of the Elector permission to make the journey, August 17 (ibid., p. 903), and Luther seconded the request (de Wette, iv. 619). The Elector, already displeased with the Memorial of Melancthon, on account of his yielding disposition, sharply refused the request, August 24 (in Bretschneider, ii. 910), and wrote about it to his chanchellor, Brück (ibid., p. 909): "Wir tragen nicht wenig Sorge, so Philipps in Frankreich reisen werde, er werde mit seiner grossen Weisheit u. Fleiss, den er haben wird, den König irgend auf eine Meinung zu bringen, viel nachlassen, das hernach Dr. Martinus u. die andern Theologi nicht werden einräumen können.-Zu dem ist nicht zu King made another attempt to come to an understanding,1o but vermuthen, dass den Franzosen Ernst sey des Evangeliums halben, sondern weil sie die Wankelmüthigkeit bey dem Philippo spüren, dass sie werden anhalten, ihn weiter auszulernen, und darnach seine Unbestandigkeit auszubreiten, u. ihn zu verunglimpfen. So ist auch wohl abzunehmen, dass die Leute, die die Sache fördern, mehr Erasmisch, denn Evangelisch seyn." Cf. Camerarii de Vita Phil. Mel., ed. Strobel, p. 145. Strobel Von Melanchthon's Ruf nach Frankreich u. seinem dahin geschickten Religionsbedenken. Nürnberg, 1794. 8. (from his Neue Beytr. zur Liter., v. 1, a special reprint). 10 Melancthon's Consilium, with many alterations, was presented to the Sorbonne, August, 1535, for their decision, in the form of a Confession of Faith of the Germans, and it was declared by them to be thoroughly objectionable; see d'Argentré Collect. Judic., i. ii. 395 ss.; Strobel, s. 167 ff. Yet still the King, by his embassador, Guillaume Bellay, announced to the Protestant princes convened at Smalcald, in Dec., 1535, his very favorable opinions about the articles of Melancthon. These declarations, written down by Spalatin, are in Seckendorf, iii. 105; Gerdesii Hist. Ref., iv., Monum., p. 68; with other acts in relation to that embassy in Melanchth. Epistt., ed. Bretschneider, ii. 1009 ss. Primum, de primatu Romani Pontificis sive Papae sentire Regem Gallorum nobiscum, jure tantum humano non divino eum habere.-Secundo, sententiam nostram de sacramento Eucharistiae Regi placere, ipsius autem theologis non item, ut qui transsubstantiationem velint modis omnibus servatam. Regem igitur quaerere certa, ut habeat quod sequatur, esse enim solum, qui in regno suo imperet. Tertio, de Missismagnam esse altercationem. Hic igitur Regem sic sentire: condonandum esse a nostris aliquid, imo nostris suam Missam esse permittendam, deinde modum adhibendum : neque plures quotidie in parochialibus templis, quam tres, habendas.-Regem etiam esse in eo, ut putet, orationes et legendas multas, ut ineptas et impias, abrogandas, aut saltem emendandas.-Regem etiam dixisse, se habere orarium ante multos annos scriptum, in quibus de intercessione Sanctorum nulla prorsus sit mentio.-Regem igitur de invocatione et oratione nobiscum sentire; et tamen arbitrari posse sic in oratione Sanctorum mentionem fieri, ut, si memoria fiat Petri, Pauli, etc., naufragantium, oremus et credamus, nos quoque periculo et discrimine liberandos: pro memoria, non pro intercessione. Quarto, Regem quoque probare nostram de imaginibus divorum sententiam, ita ut plebs doceatur, non adorandas esse, sed ut pro memoria habere possint. Quinto, de meritis Sanctorum theologos Gallicos sententiam suam mordicus retinere; dicere enim, sic mereri, ut pro nobis exaudiantur. Tantum hoc annitendum, ut Rex veritatem intelligat. Sexto, Regi etiam nostram de libero arbitrio sententiam placere. Nam quamvis primo theologis displicuisset, inspectis tamen locis Philippi communibus et eos quoque in hanc nostram iniisse sententiam. Septimo, de purgatorio sententiam suam theologos pertinacissime tueri, ut ex quo pendeant Missae, indulgentiae, legata ad pias causas, nundinationes Missarum, et breviter omnia. Octavo, de bonis operibus theologos vehementer tenere suam sententiam, nempe bona opera esse necessaria: Oratorem vero respondisse, nos quoque dicere necessaria, non tamen ita, ut per ea vel justificemur vel salvemur.Nono, de votis monasticis dixit, sperare Regem, hoc se impetraturum a Pontifice Romano, ut pueri initientur docendi, sed ne ante annum trigesimum vel quadragesimum ad vota monastica cogantur, sed ut liberum sit ipsis deserere, si necessitas tulerit, monasteria, et uxores ducere. Id enim Regi videri esse ex re non solum Ecclesiae sed etiam politiae, ut sint viri idonei, qui ministeriis et functionibus admoveantur.-Ergo monasteria sic instituenda, ut sedes postea sint studiorum, ut sint illic eruditi, qui juventutem doceant, et qui ab ipsis discant.-Decimo, dixit Orator, a theologis Gallicis conjugium sacerdotale non probari, sed Regi hoc medium placere, ut nostris conjugibus sacerdotibus conjugium eorum relinquatur, reliqui autem et futuri in coelibatu maneant: qui autem duxerint uxores, ut abstineant ministerio sacro et pastorali cura.-Undecimo, de utraque specie, ait Orator, hoc Regem apud Clementem Romanum Pontificem diligenter egisse, et spem ipsi esse, fore, ut hoc a Romano Pontifice impetret, ut sanciat et statuat, utrumque cuique secundum conscientiae suae modum esse liberum, sive alteram tantum sive utramque speciem accipiendi.-Dixit etiam Orator Gallicus, locum de justifi was soon turned about by opposite impressions." At that time, too, John Calvin left France, and in his Institutions gave to the French Reformed a doctrinal point of union; in the Preface he exposed the injustice of the King. 12 Under his direction a Reformed Church was soon developed in French Switzerland, particularly at Geneva. Here was the hearth and home from which the Reformation in France was constantly receiving new encouragement and support.13 Persecution, however, increased in the same degree: the most horrible was that of the Waldenses in Mérindol and Cabrières in the Provençe, which in 1545 ended in a general massacre.14 Yet the number of the Reformed was already very large when Francis I. died, in 1547, and was constantly increasing under catione ut a nostris tractetur, probare Regem.-Praeterea gratissimum Regi futurum, si duo vel tres ex nostris eruditis in Galliam mitterentur ad ipsum, coram eo his de rebus collocuturi. Regem enim adhibiturum colloquio eruditorum et Sorbonicos morosissimos, et qui nobiscum sentiant, ad eruendam veritatem evangelicam. 1 Especially through the influence of Cardinal Tournon. Du Prat died in 1535. In 1541 Francis complains to the Pope of the concessions of the legate at Ratisbon (see § 7, Note 44, at the end). 12 He wrote the Institutions in Basle in 1535. Extracts from the Praefatio ad Regem: Quum perspicerem usque eo quorundam improborum furorem invaluisse in regno tuo, ut nullus sanae doctrinae istic sit locus: facturus mihi operae pretium visus sum, si eadem opera et institutionem iis darem, et confessionem apud te ederem, unde discas, qualis sit doctrina, in quam tanta rabie exardescunt furiosi illi, qui ferro et ignibus regnum tuum hodie turbant. Neque enim verebor fateri, hic me summam fere ejus ipsius doctrinae complexum esse, quam illi carcere, exilio, proscriptione, incendio muletandam, quam terra marique exterminandam vociferantur. Equidem scio, quam atrocibus delationibus aures animumque tuum impleverint, ut causam nostram tibi quam odiosissimam redderent: sed id tibi pro tua clementia perpendendum est, nullam neque in dictis neque in factis innocentiam fore, si accusasse sufficiat. Sane si quis faciendae invidiae causa doctrinam hanc, cujus rationem tibi reddere conor, omnium ordinum calculis damnatam, multis fori praejudiciis confossam jamdudum fuisse causetur; nihil aliud dixerit, quam partim adversariorum factione et potentia violenter dejectam, partim mendaciis, technis, calumniis insidiose fraudulenterque oppressam. Vis est, quod indicta causa sanguinariae sententiae adversus illam feruntur; fraus, quod seditionis et maleficii praeter meritum insimulatur. 13 See § 10, Notes 40, 42. Weber's Darstellung des Calvinismus, s. 44. 14 These Waldenses, the only ones that still remained in their original fatherland, were also quickened by the Reformation, and had conferences with the German and Swiss Reformers. Thus they gave occasion to the Parliament that assembled at Aix in 1540 to condemn them to a fearful sentence; the execution of it was, indeed, delayed by the favorable report upon the Waldenses made to the King by William de Bellay, governor of Piedmont; but it was enjoined, 1545, by a new decree of the Parliament of Aix, and carried out in a horrible manner. See Histoire mémorable de la Persecution et Saccagement du Peuple de Mérindol et de Cabrières, et autres Circonvoisins appelés Vaudois, 1556. 8.; Histoire de Persecutions et Guerres faites contre ceux appellés Vaudois, Genève, 1552. 8.; Bèze, i. 35 ss.; Sleidanus, lib. xvi., ed. am Ende, ii. 380; Thuanus, lib. vi., ad ann. 1550; Capefigue, i. 337 ss.; Calvin's Leben v. Henry II., 326. Henry II., although this weak ruler, under the influence of zealous Catholics,15 sharpened the instruments of persecution. Anton, King of Navarre, and his spouse, Jeanne d'Albret, a daughter of Queen Margaret, avowed their adhesion to the Reformation; in Béarn the Reformed worship was openly observed. Henry's alliance with the German Protestants against the Emperor was favorable to the progress of the Reformation; in the French army there was a company, under the lead of D'Andelot, composed entirely of Reformers of noble rank.16 But after the King, in the Treaty of Passau, had again made friends with the Pope, and, in 1555, formed with him the Holy League; and when, at the same time, the Reformed in Paris, Meaux, Bourges, Orleans, and many other places, began to unite in regular congregations," and in 1559, in a general synod at Paris, had agreed upon a Confession of Faith and a church order, 18 then the Catholic party, with the Guises at their head, renewed the persecutions with redoubled violence. Among the common people the Reformed were hated and calumniated ;19 among the educated their numbers increased with rapid 15 Particularly of the constable, Anne de Montmorency, the Cardinal Charles de Lorraine, son of the Duke of Guise, Diana de Poitiers, and Jacques d'Ablon, Marshal of St. André; see Bèze, i. 68; Raumer's Gesch. v. Europa, ii. 184. 16 Capetigue, ii. 39. François de Coligny, Seigneur d'Andelot, was a brother of the Admiral de Coligny. 17 Bèze, i. 97, in 1555: Ce n'est pas merveilles, si Satan et ses adherans se deborderent alors à toute cruauté.-Car il commença vraiement alors d'estre assailli et combatu de plus prés qu'il n'avoit esté auparavant en France, où il n'y avoit encores proprement aucune Eglise dressée en toutes ses parties, estans seulement les fideles enseignés par la lecture des bons livres, et selon qu'il plaisoit à Dieu de les instruire quelquesfois par exhortations particulieres, sans qu'il y eust administration ordinaire de la parole, ou des Sacramens, ny consistoire establi: ains on se consolait l'un l'autre comme on pouvoit, s'assemblant selon l'oportunité pour faire les prieres, sans qu'il y eust proprement autres prescheurs, que les Martyrs: horsmis quelque petit nombre tant de moines qu'autres, preschans moins impurement que les autres: tellement qu'il se peut dire que jusques alors le champ du Seigneur avoit esté seulement semé, et avoit fructifié par cy par la: mais qu'en ceste année l'heritage du Seigneur commença d'estre rangé, et mis par ordre à bon escient. L'honneur de ceste ouvrage appartient sans point de doute aprés Dieu à un jeune homme-nommé Jean le Maçon natif d'Angers, dit la Riviere, etc. He founded the congregation at Paris, which was soon followed by others. Most of the churches received their preachers from Geneva. Weber, s. 51, Note. 18 Both (Bèze, i. 173 ss.) were written in accordance with Calvinistic principles, although the Reformed were still called Lutheriens in France. 19 On their secret assemblages, Bèze, i. 120: La commune opinion estoit, qu'on s'estoit là assemblé pour faire un beau banquet, et puis paillarder pesle mesle les chandelles estaintes. Ils adjoustoient aussi pour mieux orner ce mensonge, qu'il y avoit des Nonnains et des Moines.-Les Curés et Prescheurs de leur costé employoient leurs personnes et sermons à imprimer ces mensonges au peuple, disans mesmes, qu'on y tuoit les petits enfans, et autres choses semblables, desquelles Satan a voulu diffamer l'ancienne Eglise : strides. As a milder tone was penetrating even the Parliament, it was proposed to introduce a spiritual inquisition. The Pope issued the needful bull,20 April 25, 1557; the King forced the Parliament, in spite of its opposition, to accept the royal edict which followed up the bull;21 but the work remained unfinished, because he died immediately afterward, June 29, 1559. $ 22. CONTINUATION TO THE EDICT OF NANTES. When Francis II.' ascended the throne, in his fifteenth year, the widowed Queen, Catherine de Medici, supported by the Guises, immediately got possession of the government, and was able to set aside the King of Navarre, Anton de Bourbon, the first prince of the blood. All the zealous Catholics adhered to the Guises; the Reformed looked for security to the Bourbons. After the conspiracy of Amboise, 1560, in which the Guises were to be deprived of the government, the Reformed, under the name of Huguenots, which had been given to them, formed both a political et ce bruit estoit non seulement entre le commun peuple, mais entre les plus grands jusques au Roy, auquel on tacha de le persuader par faux rapport. On introduit doncques l'un des Juges du Chastelet, lequel osa, à l'appetit des adversaires de l'Evangile, rapporter à la Majesté du Roy, qu'on avoit trouvé en la salle de la maison plusieurs paillaces, sur lesquelles se commettoient les paillardises, et l'appareil aussi d'un bon et somptueux banquet, qui s'y devoit faire: chose qui irrita grandement le Roy, etc. 20 Given in Raynald, 1557, no. 29. 21 Bèze, i. 114. Capefigue, ii. 41. In the Parliament an important minority spoke against the execution of the Reformed, demanded a council, and freedom of conscience until it could be convened. The King himself appeared in the Parliament, June 13, 1559, and caused the chiefs of this minority to be arrested; Capefigue, ii. 55. One of them, Anne de Bourg, was burned, Dec. 23, 1559; Bèze, i. 246; Capefigue, ii. 93; Vater's Kirchenhistor. Archiv., 1824, iv. 13. 1 Comp. besides, Histoire de l'éstat de France, tant de la république que de la réligion, sous le regne de François II., par Regnier de la Planche (contemporary and Reformed), publiée, par M. Ed. Mennechet., Tomes ii., Paris, 1836. 8. * Bèze, i. 269. Or pource qu'il a esté fait mention de ce mot de Huguenot donné à ceux de la religion reformée durant l'entreprise d'Amboise, et qui leur est demeuré depuis, j'en diray un mot en passant, pour mettre hors de doute ceux qui en cherchent la cause assés à l'esgaree. La superstition de nos devanciers, jusques à vingt ou trente ans en ça, estoit telle, que presque par toutes les bonnes villes du royaume ils avoient opinion, que certains esprits faisoient leur purgatoire en ce monde apres leur mort, qu'ils alloient de nuict par la ville battans et outrageans beaucoup de personnes, les trouvans par les rues. Mais la lumiere de l'Evangile les a fait esvanouir, et nous a appris, que c'estoient coureurs de pavé et ruffiens. A Paris ils avoient le moine bourré, à Orleans le mulet Odet, a Blois par lougarou, à Tours le roi Huguet, et ainsi des autres villes. Or est il ainsi, que ceux, qu'on appelloit Lutheriens, estoient en ce temps là regardés de jour de si pres, qu'il leur falloit necessairement attendre la nuit pour s'assembler pour prier |