which were for a long time circulated only in manuscript, began to appear in print, 1614, they awakened a strong and intense excitement, and led to a confused search after that secret brotherhood of deeply-dyed magicians.15 In vain did Andreae speak in the strongest terms against this confusion and misapprehension;16

zeit, that he wished to suppress it, but that curiosity brought it again to notice, and gave rise to another progeny. In his oath on the matter, 1639 (see Note 16, below), Andreae could not have escaped from the difficulties by merely saying, "se risisse semper Rosae-Crucianam fabulam," if he had himself been the author of the fable. The different characteristics of these writings, too, are not to be mistaken. The Chymische Hochzeit is a mere satire: in the Fama and Confessio, earnestness is mingled with the invention (e. g., adherence to the pure doctrine of the Reformation, rejection of projects for making gold); the intermingling of earnest Christian truths with such loose sport, in the fashion here found, is unnatural for such a man as Andreae. And now hear the oldest witnesses. Melchior Brelerus, physician in ordinary of Duke August of Brunswick, and an intimate friend of John Arnd, who, too, was on friendly terms with Andreae, in his Mysterium Iniquitatis pseudoevangelicae, 1621, p. 100, confidently asserts that the Fama was by three distinguished persons, who wanted by means of it to get at the alleged holders of the philosopher's stone. In the posthumous works of M. Christoph Hirsch, preacher in Eisleben, an intimate friend of John Arnd (see Arnold's Kirchenund Ketzerhistorie, iv., No. 25), it appears that Arnd had learned in a confidential way from Andreae, that the latter, with thirty other persons in Würtemberg, first published the Fama, in order, by means of the judgments expressed upon it, to detect the lovers of the true wisdom. This shows that the Fama and Confession proceeded from a circle known to Andreae, but not that he was the author. That mythical personage, Christian Rosenkreuz, was his creation; hence he could speak decidedly about the Brotherhood of the Rosicrucians as a fable (see Note 16), since the idea of it, if it did not come from him, did still originate in that phantasy of his. Had he been the author of the Fama and Confession, it can not be explained why, in his Vita (which was to go only in manuscript into the hands of intimate friends), he did not avow it as frankly as he did that he wrote the Chymische Hochzeit.

15 Arnold's Kirchen- u. Ketzerhist., Th. 2, B. 17, cap. 18. Hossbach's Andreä, s. 85. Andreae, Mythologia Christiana, Argentor, 1619. 12., p. 290 (Apologorum Manipulus, 6, c. 13), divides into the following classes those who had been seduced by the Fama: Primum quidem bonos aliquos, qui opáλμara humanae fabulae annotantes ac pertaesi, aliquod lenimentum quaesivere. Dein decoctores sive eruditionis sive nummorum, ut suae miseriae solatium acciperent. Postea infelices Chymicos, qui naturam omnem fodicantes, nec nisi lippientes et claudicantes redditi, hic suave aliquod somnium sibi conciliare sategere. Sed et Podagrici, et desperatorum morborum alii, temporis et dolorum fallimentum sunt aucupati. Denique impostores quam plurimi, quibus is unicus finis, ut confictis monstrosissimis aenigmatibus, simulata arcanorum possessione, jactitata naturae interpretatione, ementito silentii, temperantiae, obscuritatis sacramento, Magnatum aures circumsonare, atque hinc aurum aliquod potabile conficere possint.

16 J. V. A. Menippus, s. Dialogorum Satyricorum Centuria, Inanitatum Nostratium Speculum, Cosmopoli, 1618. 12., p. 24, cap. 12., fraternitas : A. De fraternitate illa, quae vulgo circumfertur, ecquid sentis? B. Minus magnifice.-A. Quid ergo, an esse tales aliquos credis, an curiosorum ludibrium? B. Vix dixerim : nisi quod male me habet, tot viros bonos spe sua, et insolita expectatione excidere. A. Id nempe debebatur, quibus prae simplici via Christi artificiosa aliqua et insolita arriserat. Turris Babel, s. Judiciorum de Fraternitate Rosaceae Crucis Chaos, Argent., 1619. 12., at the end, p. 69: Fama: Satis superque hominibus illusum est: liberemus tandem constrictos, confirmemus fluctuantes, erigamus lapsos, revocemus transversos, sanemus morbidos. Ehem, mortales, nihil est, quod fraternitatem expectetis: fabula peracta est. Fama adstruxit,

in vain did he, in a series of allegorical and satirical writings, chastise all the follies of the times," and work by word and deed for the interests of practical Christianity;18 artful men made use fama destruxit. Fama ajebat, fama negat: quicunque estis, sive curiosi sive supini,sive mendici sive impostores,-sive athei sive superstitiosi, sive decoctores sive avari, mihi et vobis spectatores plaudite. De Curiositatis Pernicie, Argentor., 1621. 12., p. 35: Huic accessit fraternitatis cujusdam Rosaceae ludibrium, curiosorum hujus temporis, ni fallor, viscus et offendiculum. Si paucos bonos excipias, quibus tot rerum corruptio doluit, emendationis spes animum fecit; reliqua turba supra quam dici potest Democrito risum civit. Continebat ea fabula quicquid salivam posset movere divinatoribus, calculatoribus, decoctoribus, microcosmicis, ecstaticis, cabbalistis, magis, et in universum curiosis omnibus, atque planissime Aeoli utres pollicebatur. Adaugebat histrioniam tam multiplex concertatio propugnantium et impugnantium, invitantium et apparentium, tentantium et credentium, ludentium et quiritantium, expectantium et desperantium, et quis fando diversissimae inanitatis varietates explicet, quibus officinae occupabantur, ac nundinales catalogi coronabantur. Jam metuebat clerus, ne qua nova haeresis orbem inundaret: jam trepidabat vulgus, ne quis ex Arabia exercitus colonias quaereret: jam res literaria barbariem redire timebat. Sed hos plerosque liberavit illa ipsa quae detinuit rei vanitas, et erexit quae terrefecit nullitas, et dimisit quae convocavit fama. Still Andreae remained under suspicion of being secretly connected with the Rosicrucians; when taking office in Stuttgart (1639), in his Confession he was obliged to make oath (Vita, p. 183), se risisse semper Rosae-Crucianam fabulam, et curiositatis fraterculos fuisse insectatum.

17 On these writings he says, Vita, p. 46: Caeterum, quod Deum sancte testor, non ea mihi insectandij petulantia fuit, aut nocendi ulla libido, quam declamitatores aggerebant; sed quod christianam causam animo fervide foverem et quovis modo promotam vellem, quod, cum plana via mihi negaretur, per ambages et cuniculos persequi conatus sum, non scoptico, quod aliquibus videbar, genio, sed ea arte, quam pii multi adhibuerunt, ut per lusum et ingeniosa allectamenta seria agerem et Christianismi amorem propinarem. Is mihi scopus, id consilium fuit, quod si non satis circumspectum, aetati minus maturae et tot stimulis incitatoribus imputetur. Sane ut primum multis aegre facere morborum nostrorum tractationem animadverti, ipse dolui et extinctum volui canem, sed qui curiositate obstetrice hoc ipso denuo revixit, et aliam sobolem, quae profecto aeternum sepulta jacuisset, excitavit, cujus gratiam unis obtrectatoribus debeat, si quid unquam gratiae invenerunt.

18 He sought to promote the better religious instruction of youth by his "Christliche Evangel. Kinderlehre, Stuttgart, 1621" (comp. Schuler's Gesch. d. katechet. Religionsunterrichts unter den Protestanten, Halle, 1802, s. 87; reprinted there, s. 329). He called on those who had been deceived by the Rosicrucian Brotherhood to hold only the more firmly to the Brotherhood of Christ; Invitatio fraternitatis Christi, 1617; comp. De Curiositatis Pernicie, Argentor., 1621, p. 36: Itaque velut Babylonicae turris structores, non linguis, sed judiciis et capitibus divisi ad sua paulatim, dispersi retroeunt.Qui si quid egregii animo conceperunt, paratique meliora toto animo admittere, tueri et propagare fuerunt; illam potius jam certam, tot amicis Dei expertam, jam toties Satanae, mundoque oppositam Christi fraternitatem amplectantur, mentemque integram et conatus omnes eo convertant, ut societas Christi sub Evangelii legibus coalescat, ordoque mutuae caritatis emergat, ac donorum Dei communicatio in coeli honorem, Ecclesiae florem, proximique rorem appareat. He described such an ideal state in his Reipublicae Christianopolitanae Descriptio, Argentor., 1619. 12. He soon formed the plan of a stricter Societas Evangelica for this object. In the Vita, p. 100, the object of this Christiana Societas is thus given: Quae deposita argenti notabili summa in praesens pauperum indigentiae succurreret: in futurum vero, si res ita ferret, vel occurrentibus necessitatibus subveniret, vel posteris rectius prospiceret, et una amicitiae constantiam servaret, moribusque deviis occurreret. The property grew to 18,000 florins; comp. his

of the delusion, and actual brotherhoods of Rosicrucians were formed.19

As these mystical tendencies spread abroad the scholastic divines turned with bitter hatred against them,20 in fact, against all who appeared to favor them in any degree, and even against such as were trying to build up Christianity through the influence of pious feelings rather than by theological scholasticism.21 John Arnd (successively pastor in Badeborn, in the Anhalt principality, in Quedlinburg, Brunswick, and Eisleben; Superintendent in Celle in 1611; deceased 1621),22 though a martyr for Lutheran Epist. ad Comenium, 1629, in J. A. Comenii Opera Didactica Omnia, Amstel., 1657, p. 284: Fuimus aliquot et magnae notae viri, qui post Famae vanae (fraternitatis Roseae) ludibrium in hoc coivimus, ante octennium circiter, et plures in procinctu erant: cum nos exceperunt turbae Germanicae et propemodum disjecerunt.—Scopus fuit: Christum loco suo restituere, pulsis passim idolis s. religiosis s. literariis. He drew up: Imago et Leges Societatis Evangelicae, and Verae Unionis in Christo Jesu Specimen, selectissimis ac probatissimis amicis sacrum, 1628. The society seems to have remained small, but to have continued after Andreae's death. Hossbach, s. 179. Spener says (in his Warhaftige Erzählung dessen was wegen des s. g. Pietismi vorgegangen, Amsterd., 1700. 12., s. 18) of Andreae: "For my part, I regard his writings so highly, that if I could and must call back a man from the grave to benefit our churches, it would probably cost me much thought whether I should select any one in preference to him."

19 Andreae, in his Reipublicae Christianopolitanae Descriptio, Argentor., 1619. 12., p. 30, speaks of impostoribus, qui se Roseae Crucis fratres mentirentur. J. S. Semler, unparteiische Sammlungen zur Historie der Rosenkreuzer, 4 Stücke, Leipzig, 1786-88. J. G. Buhle über den Ursprung u. die vornehmsten Schicksale d. Orden d. Rosenkreuzer u. Freimaurer, Göttingen, 1804. F. Nicolai's Bemerkungen über die Geschichte u. Ursprung der Rosenkreuzer und Freimaurer, Berlin, 1806. [The Fama and Confessio were published at Frankfort, 1827. Comp. Herder in his Zerstreute Blätter, and in the Teutsche Mercur. Naudé, Instruction à la France sur la verité de l'Histoire des Frères de la Rose-Croix, Paris, 1623. W. Keller, Gesch. d. Freimauerei in Deutschland, Giessen, 1859. In Notes and Queries, vols. vii. and viii., lists of works on the Rosicrucians. Louis Figuier, L'Alchimie et les Alchimistes, Paris, 1854; chap. v.; La Société des RoseCroix, pp. 247-266.]

20 Comp., e. g., Nicol. Hunnius (professor of theology in Wittenberg, in 1623 Superintendent in Lübeck, † 1643) christl. Betrachtung der neuen Paracelsischen u. Weigelianischen Theologie, Wittenberg, 1622 (comp. Nic. Hunnius, by Dr. L. Heller, Lübeck, 1843, s. 35); Theod. Thummii (professor in Tübingen, † 1630) Impietas Weigeliana, h. e. necessaria Admonitio de CXX. Erroribus novorum Prophetarum coelestium, quos a Val. Weigelio nostra haec aetas dicere coepit Weigelianos, Tubing., 1622. 4. Jo. Gerhardi Disputationes Theologicae, in quibus gloria Dei per corruptelas Weigelianos labefactari ostenditur, in his Dusput. Theol. p. 815.

21 J. V. Andreae Oratio Inaugur. Tubingae habita, p. 86 (Arnold's Kirchen- u. Ketzerhist., Th. 2, B. 17, cap. 17, § 50), complains that Satan defiles with the name of Weigelians all those who are earnest in religion and for church discipline, so that it hardly avails for them to prove their innocence and orthodoxy in ever so clear a manner. In the Alethea Exul., p. 326, he complains, "that whoever now seeks to lead an honest life is accused of being an enthusiast, a Schwenckfeldian, an Anabaptist."

22 Christian Gerber's Historie der Wiedergebornen in Sachsen (4 Th., Dresden, 1725), ii. 210, and J. F. Gauhe's Appendix to it, containing an authentic and full Historia Arndiana, ibid., s. 263. Joh. Arndt, ein biographischer Versuch, by F. Arndt, preacher in

orthodoxy,23 and of wide-reaching influence in matters of prac tical piety, was compelled to see his book, On True Christianity, fiercely attacked24 as savoring of that mysticism; and these attacks were even more strongly renewed during the seventeenth century, in proportion as this book became the comfort and refuge of all pious hearts. Even the distinguished dogmatic productions of John Gerhard25 were not sufficient to protect his practical writings from the charge of mysticism.26 And so, in this period, nobody could complain of a one-sided, intellectual Christianity, nor Berlin, Berlin, 1838. O. Wehrhan's Lebensgeschichte Johann Arndt's, Hamburg, 1848. H. L. Pertz de Jo. Arndtio ejusque Libris de vero Christianismo (Göttingen prize essay), Hannoverae, 1852. 4. [Tzschirner's Memorabilien, iii. 1. M. Goebel, Gesch. des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westphäl. Evang. Kirche, 1852, ii. 464. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen über die Reformat., iii. 371 sq.]

23 See above, § 41, Note 13.

24 The first book was published at Brunswick, 1605; the whole four books probably first in 1609. Immediately after its appearance the first book was attacked by some of Arnd's colleagues in Brunswick, for perverting the doctrine of justification by insisting too strongly upon good works; also for teaching that believers, even in this life, must attain unto perfection; and for using suspicious phraseology from Tauler, Weigel, and others. Afterward a special case was made out against it, because Arnd (in the 2d book, chap. 24) had incorporated twelve chapters from Weigel's Book of Prayer, although he asserted that he did not know that this book (then current only in manuscript) was by Weigel, and although no errors could be detected in this part of the work. After his death, Arnd was specially assailed in Lucas Osiander's (chancellor and professor in Tūbingen) Theol. Bedenken, welchergestalt J. Arndens wahres Christenthum nach Anleitung des heil. Worts Gottes anzusehen sey, Tübingen, 1623. Comp. Rupertus Meldenius (§ 42, Note 6), in Lücke, s. 141: Cum gemitu et lachrymis experiuntur (pii ac boni viri), sanctum illum virum, et de Ecclesia Dei praeclarissime meritum, Jo. Arndium, imo Angelum Dei, missum ad praedicandam poenitentiam adhuc semel ante novissimum diem, tam immanibus convitiis proscindi, et tot contumeliis affici, atque adeo deterrimarum haereseon maculis conspergi.-Proh summe Deus, quo hae res tandem sunt evasurae! However, his defendants were not less numerous than his assailants. Comp. Apologetica Arndiana, Schutzbriefe zur christl. Ehrenrettung Joh. Arnd's, Leipzig, 1706; G. B. Scharff, Supplementum Historiae Litisque Arndianae, Wittenb., 1727; Walch's Religionsstreitigkeiten der Luth. Kirche, iii. 186, v. 1131; F. Arndt, s. 64, 151, 203. 25 See § 48, Note 23. [See Tholuck's Lebenszeugen, 1859; Deutsche Zeitschrift, Nov. 3, 1860, Weingarten on MSS. of Gerhard.]

26 A list of the same in Vita Jo. Gerhardi, quam exposuit E. R. Fischer, Lips., 1723, p. 437. Among them, those most read were his Meditationes Sacrae, Jenae, 1606, Schola Pietatis, d. i. christl. Unterrichtung zur Gottseligkeit, 5 Bücher, Jena, 1622. 23., in 12 vols., and his Postill (§ 49, Note 11). Gerhard complains, in a letter to Arnd, 1620 (Fischer, p. 505): Nec mihi parcunt, sed in publicis concionibus eorum errorum peragunt reum, qui ne in mentem quidem unquam mihi venerunt. Elsewhere (Fischer,

p. 177):

Qui studium hoc aevo pietatis graviter urget,
Et sophias partem tractat utramque sacrae,
Ille Rosaecrucius vel Weigelianus habetur,
Et nota turpis ei scribitur haereseos.
De me non verita est virosa calumnia id ipsum
Spargere, et his nugis conciliare fidem.

verge on the emotional phrases used by the old mystics, without being himself exposed to the accusation of mysticism.27

$ 51.

ATTEMPTS AT UNION.

C. W. Hering's Gesch. d. kirchl. Unionsversuche seit der Reformation, 2 Bde., Leipzig, 1836. 38. Ch. G. Neudecker's die Hauptversuche zur Pacification der EvangelischProtest. Kirche Deutschlands, Leipzig, 1846. [Hoeninghaus, Chronol. Verzeichniss d. Bekehrungen, Aschaffenb., 1837.]

The divisions and controversies between the different churches were so opposed to the spirit of Christianity, and were at the same time so inauspicious in political relations, that attempts were constantly made to adjust them.

27 Ph. J. Spener's warhaftige Erzählung dessen was wegen des s. g. Pietismi in Deutschland vor einiger Zeit vorgegangen, Amsterd., 1700. 12., s. 15: "Thus very much had to be undergone on account of their zeal in practical Christianity, and for the punishment of public abuses and crimes, by Dr. Andr. Kessler, Superintendent at Coburg († 1643); Dr. Arn. Mengering, Superintendent at Halle († 1647); Dr. Joh. Mattheus Meyfart, professor and pastor in Erfurt, against whom was arrayed almost the whole body of the learned, on account of his public complaints about the corrupt state of the universities and high schools, which he published in 1636 (Pennalismus od. Erinnerung v. d. Wiedererbauung d. acad. Disciplin, 1634. 4.); Dr. Joh. Schmid, professor and president of the church convention in Strasburg († 1658); Dr. Justus Gesenius, General Superintendent of Hanover († 1671); Dr. Sal. Glassius († 1656, see § 48, Note 24), who, in Witten. memor. Theol. dec. 9, n. 3, p. 1216, was obliged to repeat the above verses of Dr. Gerhard against his adversaries, who loaded him with the reproach of Weigelianism; and among the Nurembergers there was Joh. Saubertus (pastor of St. Sebald, † 1646), with his successor, Joh. Mich. Dilhern († 1669), who, because calumny could not find any other semblance against him, nor could he so easily be joined in condemnation with other more violent persons, was forced by disputatious folks to bear the name of a Syncretist." He especially appeals to Jo. Sauberti Theologi Umbra delineata a Jo. Val. Andreae, Luneburgi, 1647, in which Andreae "describes the story of his life, the state of the Church at that time, the proposals, behavior, and doings of the dear man ;" and he gives a long extract from this work. Further, p. 19: "But after that time the thing itself did not change, only the persons, who, inflamed with godlike zeal, cried out against the corrupt life in the midst of our churches, and especially about that new Gospel, which the famous Rostock divine, Dr. Paulus Tarnovius had already, 1624, attacked (De Novo Evangelio Orat., republished in J. G. Pfeiffer Variorum Auctorum Miscellanea Theol., Lips., 1736, p. 909), and showed that it was the cause of all the misery which had flooded the whole of Christianity." In explanation of the passage translated from Tarnov's address: "The new and false Gospel is a vain imagination about Christ, an error as to the grace and compassion of God, which does not come from God's Word, but from the secret counsel of the prince of darkness,—who promises deliverance from sin and punishment, and eternal life to those that observe external worship, and confess the true Christianity with the mouth (even if it be denied in the heart); and by such vain imagination holds that all the good promised to the true believer belongs to them, though they have no real inward repentance, but only an external and hypocritical." Comp. Walch's Religionsstreit. d. Luth. Kirche, iv. 1060.