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part of legislation in the hands of the representatives of the nation, and committed the care of alleviating the grievances of the people to persons who either feel them, or see them nearly, and whose surest path to advancement and fame is to be active in finding remedies for them.

I mean not, however, to affirm, that the English govern. ment is free from abuses, or that all possible good laws are enacted; but that there is a constant tendency in it, both to correct the one and improve the other: and that all the laws which are in being are strictly executed, whenever appealed to, is what I look upon as the characteristic and undisputed advantage of the English constitution-a constitution the more likely to produce all the effects we have mentioned, and to procure in general the happiness of the people, since it has taken mankind as they are, and has not endeavoured to prevent every thing, but to regulate every thing; I shall add, the more difficult to discover, because its form is complicated, while its principles are natural and simple. Hence it is that the politicians of antiquity, sensible of the inconveniences of the governments they had opportunities of knowing, wished for the establishment of such a government, without much hope of ever seeing it realized:* even Tacitus, an excellent judge of political subjects, considered it as a project entirely chimerical.+ Nor was it because he had not thought of it, had not reflected on it, that he was of this opinion: he had sought for such a government, had had a glimpse of it, and yet continued to pronounce it impracticable.

Let us not, therefore, ascribe to the confined views of man, to his imperfect sagacity, the discovery of this important secret. The world might have grown old, genera. tions might have succeeded generations, still seeking it in vain. It has been by a fortunate conjunction of circumstances-I shall add, by the assistance of a favourable situation-that Liberty has at last been able to erect herself a temple.

Invoked by every nation, but of too delicate a nature, as it should seem, to subsist in societies formed of such im

'Statuo esse optime constitutam rempublicam quæ ex tribus generibus illis, regali, optimo, et populari, modice confusa.'-Cic. Fragm. +Cunctas nationes et urbes, populus, aut priores, aut singuli, regunt. Delecta ex his et constituta reipublica forma, laudari facilius quam eventre: vel, si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest.'-Tac. Ann. lib. iv.

perfect beings as mankind, she shewed, and merely shewed herself, to the ingenious nations of antiquity who inhabit. ed the south of Europe. They were constantly mistaken in the form of the worship they paid to her. As they continually aimed at extending dominion and conquest over other nations, they were no less mistaken in the spirit of that worship; and though they continued for ages to pay their devotions to this divinity, she still continued, with regard to them, to be the unknown goddess.

Excluded, since that time, from those places to which she had seemed to give a preference, driven to the extremity of the western world, banished even out of the continent, she has taken refuge in the Atlantic Ocean. There it is, that, freed from the dangers of external disturbance, and assisted by a happy pre-arrangement of things, she has been able to display the form that suited her; and she has found six centuries to have been necessary for the completion of her work.

Being sheltered, as it were, within a citadel, she there reigns over a nation, which is the better entitled to her favours, as it endeavours to extend her empire, and carries with it, to every part of its dominions, the blessings of in dustry and equality. Fenced in on every side (to use the expressions of Chamberlayne) with a wide and deep ditch, the sea-guarded with strong out-works, its ships of war, and defended by the courage of her seamen-she preserves that mysterious essence, that sacred fire so difficult to be kindled, and which, if it were once extinguished, would perhaps never be lighted again. When the world shall have been again laid waste by conquerors, she will still continue to shew mankind, not only the principle that ought to unite them, but, what is of no less importance, of the form under which they ought to be united. And the philosopher, when he considers the constant fate of civil societies among men, and observes the numerous and powerful causes which seem, as it were, unavoidably to conduct them all to a state of political slavery, will take comfort in seeing that Liberty has at length disclosed her nature and genuine principles, and secured to herself an asylum, against despotism on one hand, and popular licentiousness on the other.

INDEX.

AMERICAN colonies, their claim of voting supplies to the
crown hurtful, if obtained, to the English constitution, 280,
281. What ought to have been the general conduct of mi-
nisters in regard to the colonies, 282.

1

Appeal, in case of murder, its effects, and to whom al-
lowed, 62.

Army, restrictions on the power of the king in regard to
the keeping of it, 62, 63. Is not, in England, the means of
supporting the authority of the crown, 239. How little its
assistance was useful to James II., 251, 252. See Military
Power and Crown.

Arrest, method of, in civil causes, by the English laws,
74. By the Roman laws, 76, 77. The alterations in the Eng-
lish law in that respect, 77.

Assemblies, popular, the disadvantages they lie under in
regard to each coming to any deliberate well-weighed reso.
lution, 144, 145. The advantages a few distinguished citi-
zens have over them, 147. Tully's passage concerning them,
152. See People, Commonwealths, Rome.

Athens, arbitrary proceedings of its magistrates, 157.
Aula Regis, what kind of court, 26. The court of Com-
mon Pleas dismembered from it, 73. The court of King's
Bench may be considered as the remains of it, ibid.

Author, occasional personal remarks of his, 208. 239,
note. 243, note. His 'Memorials of Human Superstition'
quoted, 274, note. His conversation with Dr. Franklin, 281.

Barons, originally, in a great measure, independent in
France, 24. Not so in England, 26. Unite in a common
cause with the people, 29. 189.244.

Beauchamp, lord, procures the passing of a bill for limit-
ing personal arrests, 77.

Bills, how deliberated upon and framed, 51, 52. 132. 136.
153. See Commons and Parliament.

Bill of Rights, an account of, 47. Utility of its provi-
sions, 191.

Blackstone, judge, quoted, 52. 90, note. 110, note. 201.
210, note.

Burnet, bishop, quoted, 203. 252.

Cæsar, public speech of his quoted, 211.

Censorial power, that established in Rome only a senato.
rial artifice, 166. See Press.

Censors, in Rome, might remove a man from one tribe
into another, and elect senators, 158, note.

Chancery, court of, its office in regard to the framing of
writs, 82. See Equity, courts of.

Charles I. sketch of his reign, 42-45. Maintains his
ground eleven years against the violent, political, and reli-
gious spirit of his times, 247. His attempt to seize the five
members led to the civil war, 248, note.

Charles II. conduct of, 44.

Charta Magna, substance of, 31, 32.

Cicero quoted, 80. 88. 151, note. 152, note. 157, note. 197.
Civil English laws, divided into unwritten and written
law, 71. The sources of the unwritten law, ibid. How far
the civil law is a part of the same, 72. What the written law
is, ibid. Peculiarities of the English civil laws, 77. Refine-
ments and subtilties in them, ib. &c. Compared with the
old Roman civil laws, 81.

Civil power in England, how superior to the military,

248. 250.

· Civil Roman laws, the constant dislike of the English
lawyers for them, 69, 70. Formalities in the ancient Roman
laws, 79. The different collections of them, 92.

Coke, sir Edward, quoted, 107, note. 109, note. 132, note.
167.

Comines, Philip de, quoted, 38, note.

Commons, English, their origin under Henry III. and
Edward I. 33. How inconsiderable their weight at first, 31.
This soon increases, ib. Farther advances, 38, 39. How the
house is constituted, 48. Vindicate the right of taxation
against the attempts of the crown, 40. 43. And of the lords,
60. See Taxation. They cannot vote by proxy, 132, note.
Enjoy a freedom of debate superior to that ever possessed
by any popular assembly, 136. They are debarred from any
share in the executive authority, 160. Are thence led to
serve the people faithfully, 161. Striking instances of this in

the laws they have framed at particular times, 190, 191,
&c. And in their watching their execution, 200, 201. Have
impeached the servants of the crown and judges, 201, 202.
Their proceedings in the case of sir John Coventry, 203.
See Parliament and Representative. Abridge their own per-
sonal privileges, 205. Do strict justice on their own mem-
bers, ibid. Their attacks on the crown's prerogative de-
feated by the lords, 218. They in their turn defeat the like
attempts from the lords, 219.

Commonwealths, the people in them apt to be misled by
favourite leaders, 118, 119, The division of the executive
authority that takes place in them, makes it very difficult to
lay it under proper restraint, 129. The people unavoidably
betrayed by those whom they trust with power, 155. 157.
159. Revolutions always concluded, in them, in a manner
disadvantageous to public liberty, 182. See Revolutions.
The laws to secure the liberty of the citizens, besides being
imperfect, are not even carefully executed, 192, &c. Cannot
subsist without certain arbitrary powers, contrary to the li-
berty of the citizens, 228. Do not admit the liberty of speak-
ing and writing, and, perhaps, cannot, 230. The power of
the government supposed by law to be unbounded, till
stopped by some positive regulation, 243. By what means
commonwealths generally lose their liberties, 256. Great
difficulty for the people in them to preserve their rights,
257. See Rome and Geneva.

Conquest, the, is the real era of the formation of the pre-
sent English government, 22.

Constitution, English, the eras of its formation, 22. 38. 47.
59. Being different from that of all other free states, cannot
fall into ruin from the same causes, 254. Causes that ope-
rate for its preservation, 258. Endangered by the office of
Columbus to Henry VII. 262. Farther reasons of its future
preservation, 265. How it rises again, after being in a man-
ner overwhelmed, 266. Dangers to which it may be exposed,
ibid. In what circumstances it may be looked upon as an.
nihilated, 267. Meddling with it, upon the score of improve-
ment, may prove very dangerous experiments, 268, 271.
See Crown. Would have been altered by granting the Ame-
ricans their claims, 281. See Taxation. Seems to diffuse a
spirit of order and justice among the lower classes of
people, 286. Such a one wished for by the politicians of an-
tiquity, 287.

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