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state so referred to, as in the four next preceding articles contained, fall within the dominions of the other party, all grants of land made previous to the commencement of the war, by the party having had such possession, shall be as valid as if such island or islands, had by such decision or decisions, been adjudged to be within the dominions of the party having such possession.

ART. IX.-The United States of America engage to put an end, immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians, with whom they may be at war at the time of such ratification; and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights, and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to in one thousand eight hundred and eleven, previous to such hostilities: Provided always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against the United States of America, their citizens and subjects, upon the ratification of the present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. And his Britannic majesty engages, on his part, to put an end immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom he may be at war at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations respectively, all the possessions, rights, and privileges, which they may have enjoyed, or been entitled to in one thousand eight hundred and eleven, previous to such hostilities: Provided always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic majesty, and his subjects, upon the ratification of the present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. ART. X.-Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcilable with the principles of humanity and justice, and whercas both his Britannic majesty and the United States are desirous of continuing their efforts to promote its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the contracting parties shall use their best endeavours to accomplish so desirable an object.

ART. XI. This treaty, when the same shall have been ratified on both sides, without alteration by either of the contracting parties and the ratifications mutually exchanged, shall be binding on both parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Wash

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ington, in the space of four months from this day, or sooner if practicable.

In faith whereof, we the respective plenipotentiaries, have signed this treaty, and have thereunto affixed our seals.

Done, in triplicate, at Ghent, the twenty-fourth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and fourteen.

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Now, therefore, to the end that the said treaty of peace and amity may be observed with good faith, on the part of the United States, I, JAMES MADISON, president as aforesaid, have caused the premises to be made public: and I do hereby enjoin all persons bearing office, civil or military, within the United States, and all others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treaty and every clause and article thereof.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of Februa

ry, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States the thirty-ninth.

By the President,

JAMES MADISON.

JAMES MONROE.

NO. LIII.

ADDRESS

From the city battalion of uniform companies to major-general

GENERAL,

Jackson.

New-Orleans, 16th March, 1815. WE bave delayed until this moment the expression of our feelings towards you, lest the honest emotions of our hearts should be ascribed to a desire of propitiating the favour of our command

er.

At this moment, when neither hope nor fear can be supposed to have influenced us, we pray you to receive the sincere tribute of our thanks-as soldiers, for the confidence you have reposed in us; for the paternal care with which you have watched over our comforts, and above all, for that justice you have done to our zeal in assigning us on every occasion a post of danger and of honouras citizens, for the wisdom of the measures you devised to protect our country; for the skill and bravery with which they were executed; and for that indispensable energy to which we owe our safety. Leaving to others the task of declaiming about privileges and constitutional rights, we are content with having fought in support of them-we have understanding enough to know when they are wantonly violated: and no false reasoning shall make us ungrateful to the man whose wisdom and valour have secured them to us and to our posterity! We do not deal in professions; we pray you, general, to be assured, that in the officers and men of this battalion you have soldiers who have been and are always ready to affront every danger under your command-fellow-citizens, grateful for your services-friends, personally attached to your fortunes, and ready to promote your happiness at the risk of their own. You have allowed us the endearing title of your brothers in arms--it was given to us on this field, strewed then with the bodies of our enemies; and we feel a noble pride in the consciousness that allows us to accept it. That fraternity, cemented in hostile blood, shall be the pride of our lives; and in aftertimes will secure to our children the respect of posterity. General, common phrases cannot express the emotions which agitate us at the moment of our separation-but we pray heaven to watch over your safety; and we trust to a grateful country for the honours and advancement which your services have merited.

J. B. PLAUOHE, major.
STE. GEME, captain.
M. WHITE, captain.
A. GUIBERT, captain.
HUDRY, captain.
P. RоCHE, captain.
JOHN ST. JEAN, lieutenant.
COEUR DE ROY.

DE ST. ROMES, lieutenant,

N. THOMPSON, lieutenant.
C. FREMONT, lieutenant.
DUHULQUOD, lieutenant.
L. PILIE, lieutenant.
BENETAUD.

BERTEL, lieutenant.
HUET, lieutenant.

LE MOUNIER, serjeant-major

FELLOW-SOLDIers,

GENERAL'S ANSWER.

ALTHOUGH born and bred in a land of freedom, popular favour has always been with me a secondary object. My first wish, in political life, has been to be useful to my country. Yet, I am not insensible to the good opinion of my fellow-citizens; I would do much to obtain it; but I cannot, for this purpose, sacrifice my own conscience or what I conceive to be the interests of my country.

These principles have prepared me to receive, with just satisfaction, the address you have presented. The first wish of my heart, the safety of your country, has been accomplished; and it affords me the greatest happiness to know that the means taken to secure this object have met the approbation of those who have had the best opportunities of judging of their propriety, and who, from their various relations, might be supposed the most ready to censure any which had been improperly resorted to. The distinction you draw, gentlemen, between those who only declaim about civil rights and those who fight to maintain them, shows how just and practical a knowledge you have of the true principles of liberty-without such knowledge all theory is useless or mischievous.

Whenever the invaluable rights which we enjoy under our happy constitution are threatened by invasion, privileges the most dear, and which, in ordinary times, ought to be regarded as the most sacred, may be required to be infringed for their security. At such a crisis, we have only to determine whether we will suspend, for a time, the exercise of the latter, that we may secure the permanent enjoyment of the former. Is it wise, in such a moment, to sacrifice the spirit of the laws to the letter, and by adhering too strictly to the letter, lose the substance forever, in order that we may, for an instant, preserve the shadow? It is not to be imagined that the express provisions of any written law can fully embrace emergencies which suppose and occasion the suspension of all law, but the highest and the last, that of self-preservation. No right is more precious to a freeman than that of suffrage; but had your election taken place on the 8th of January, would your declaimers have advised you to abandon the defence of your country

in order to exercise this inestimable privilege at the polls? Is it to be supposed that your general, if he regarded the important trust committed to his charge, would have permitted you to preserve the constitution by an act which would have involved constitution, country and honour in one undistinguished ruin?

What is more justly important than personal liberty; yet how can the civil enjoyment of this privilege be made to consist with the order, subordination and discipline of a camp? Let the sentinel be removed by subpoena from his post, let writs of habeas corpus carry away the officers from the lines, and the enemy may conquer your country by only employing lawyers to defend your constitution.

Private property is held sacred in all good governments, and particularly in our own, yet, shall the fear of invading it prevent a general from marching his army over a corn-field, or burning a house which protects the enemy?

These and a thousand other instances might be cited to show that laws must sometimes be silent when necessity speaks. The only question with the friend of his country will be, have these laws been made to be silent wantonly and unnecessarily? If necessity dictated the measure, if a resort to it was important for the preservation of those rights which we esteem so dear, and in defence of which we had so willingly taken up arms, surely it would not have been becoming in the commander-in-chief to have shrunk from the responsibility which it involved. He did not shrink from it. In declaring martial law, his object, and his only object, was to embody the whole resources of the country, for its defence. That law, while it existed, necessarily suspended all rights and privileges inconsistent with its provisions. It is matter of surprise that they who boast themselves the champions of those rights and privileges should not, when they were first put in danger by the proclamation of martial law, have manifested that lively sensibility of which they have since made so ostentatious a display. So far, however, was this from being the case, that this measure not only met, then, the open support of those who when their country was invaded thought resistance a virtue, and the silent approbation of all; but even received the particular recommendation and encouragement of many who now inveigh the most bitterly against it. It was not until a victory, secured by that very

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