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ing the obligations which they were under to the diligence and ability of the noble lords by whom the inquiry was conducted, it was impossible not to perceive that the questions and examinations had often been influenced by a partial view of the subject; and that, if the witnesses had been more accurately examined, many of them who appeared at first view favourable to the measure would in reality have appeared adverse to it. There was evidence before the House of Commons supporting the opinion that much less than 80s. was sufficient.

his opinion might lead to. Mr. Crabtree stated from 70s. to 75s. as sufficient; Mr. Mant and another gentleman thought 75s. and 72s. were ample protection. With this evidence, that 75s. or 72s. would be a sufficient protection, he would ask them on what ground they adopted 80s. as a protection? Many of those witnesses who had been examined, and whose evidence had been represented as favourable to the Bill, would, if further examined, afford a contradiction of this. He alluded in particular to one gentleman, Mr. Wakefield, very eminent in his line, who had great Mr. Driver, the first witness examined experience and great knowledge, both by the committee of the House of Com- with respect to this country and to Iremons, stated, that in his opinion 5l. per land, and who had been represented as quarter was absolutely necessary to pro- stating 80s. to be a proper protecting price tect the farmer against the foreign grower to the farmer. He believed he might state -that there should be an absolute prohi- from authority, that Mr. Wakefield's opibition of importation till the price arrived nion was against the present measure. If at 90s. and that from 90s. to 51. there he had been represented as stating that should be a duty on a decreasing scale. 80s. was a fair remunerating price to the Being, however, asked, if he was of opi- farmer, and if he was a man conversant nion that if 187. or 20l. a load could be on the subject, and capable of giving their obtained as an average price, the im- lordships much useful information, and the provement of the agriculture of the coun-data on which this opinion, unfavourable try would continue progressively to into the Bill, was founded, their lordships crease, he answered that he thought it would surely allow him to be further exawould pretty much; that would not alarm mined on the subject. There were other the people the cultivation of the country persons also, though he had not authority would continue, if not increase. Now to name them, who would state an unfahere he would only remark, that wheat vourable opinion, and what was of most at 201. a load would be 10s. a bushel, and importance to them, the grounds on which at 187. a load 9s. a bushel, which was ex- that opinion was founded. Among those actly 72s. the quarter, so that, even at 72s. persons whose habits made them conversant a quarter, one of those persons who had in subjects of this kind, and who thought stated that the foreigner should be ex- 80s. too high, and that 72s. was a sufficluded till the price reached 51. still cient protecting price, there was one perthought that the English farmer could be son, whom he could not with propriety sufficiently protected. Another witness, name in that House, or allude to (sir James Mr. Claridge, who stated the price at 80s. Graham), who had of late paid particular being asked if, in his opinion, the inferior attention to the investigation of this sublands in Yorkshire, and other counties he ject, and who had in an opinion given bad described, would be thrown out of somewhere else stated himself in favour the cultivation of wheat, if the price were of the lowest of these sums. This person to be Ss. a bushel, the prices of sheep, was well known to be connected with some wool, and other produce, excepting wheat, of the greatest land estates in the kingremaining nearly at their present rate? dom; and he had declared that in all the answered, that he thought, under those communications he had had with farmers circumstances, the cultivation of wheat and surveyors of credit, he had never would be discontinued. Being afterwards heard that the agriculturist would not be asked, would those lands remunerate the sufficiently protected at a prohibitory refarmer, if the price of barley and oats were gulation of 72s. If they had this high autho reduced in proportion to that of wheat?rity against the price of 80s., was not this, He answered, perhaps they might; he he would ask, a point which they ought to could not say but what they might. Here, inquire into, and ascertain, before they therefore, was evidence, which in one part proceeded to legislate on so important a of it certainly bore a very different con- subject? struction from that which the first part of

Though he had hitherto only stated the

grower. But, then, what became of the protection to English agriculture, the poor lands, which would be thrown out of cultivation, and the numerous other mischiefs which were to follow the want of this protection? [Hear, hear!] This effect would be infallibly produced, and all the advantages which they promised themselves from this measure would be defeated, unless at the same time that they protected the English farmer against the foreign grower, they also repealed the beneficial law of 1806, by which corn was allowed to be imported from Ireland into this country. All he said that they ought to ascertain was, whether these effects were likely to follow or not. They ought to inquire whether the English farmer should be supported or left open to the competition which he had here stated.

argument as applicable to England, with respect to Ireland, the case was still stronger. But though they were urged to this measure as much for the sake of Ireland as of England, and though the greatest number of petitions praying for some relief were from that country, yet he would say that there was not one tittle of evidence before their lordships to shew at what rate grain could be grown and sold by the Irish agriculturist. In the House of Commons some evidence had been obtained on that subject, but it was contradictory. Mr. Wakefield said he thought 70s. sufficient: another gentleman said 64s. The general result, however, of the evidence before the House of Commons respecting Ireland was, that grain could be grown at a much less price in that country than in England. And as far as his information went, from the state of labour and the comparative low taxation in Ireland, corn, under a moderate rent, could be grown at a much less rate than any of the sums which had been stated. Looking, therefore, at Ireland, in particular, he would say that there was no evidence that any protection was required for that country; but if some protection was necessary for the safety of the English farmer, what would be the effect produced by this measure? It must produce one of two effects. By fixing the protecting price at 80s. it would have the effect of keeping up the price to the consumer to that sum, and would thus give the grower a greater remuneration than was necessary, and would thus keep up the rents of the landholders of Ireland at the expense of the people of England; or it would have this other effect as grain was grown in Ireland much cheaper than it could be grown in England, they would be enabling the Irish grower to undersell the English farmer in the market of England, which would render the present measure an insufficient protection to the English farmer. Would any man say that any of these effects were of so unimportant a nature that it was not necessary to inquire into them before coming to a determination? The Irish grower would be able very much to undersell the English grower, and with the number of Irish absentee landlords, resi-sufficient protecting price to the English dent in England, to whom remittances must be made, and with the interest on their public debt due in England, the Irish grower would be under the inevitable necessity of bringing his corn to England, and would thus undersell the English

He conceived that he had already made out a strong case for this inquiry, by showing, first, that there was no satisfactory evidence that 80s. was required for England; in the next place, that there was no evidence to show that this sum was requisite for Ireland, but that on the contrary there were strong reasons for presuming that a much cheaper price would be sufficient for that country; and, lastly, that England and Ireland together were proceeding to enact a law by which the English farmer would be exposed to those very evils which it was the intention of this measure to remove. Before they could fix the price at 80s. it was necessary not only to know whether this sum was requisite for Ireland, but also at what rate corn could be imported from foreign countries. Here, also, the information of which the House was in possession was defective. When their lordships committee were sitting, the only importation into this country came from the Baltic; and the whole tendency of the evidence before that committee was to shew that corn could not be imported from the Baltic, without a loss, under 75s. One person, Mr. Solly, stated, that it could not be imported much under 80s., but in general the witnesses agreed that it could not be imported under 75s. If, therefore, the evidence went to shew that 75s. or 72s. was a

landholder, as far as the foreign importer was concerned, there was no evidence to shew that the public interest could be in any wise affected. But it was now found that the Baltic was not the only place from which corn might be imported. By

the happy termination of hostilities with France, which situation of things, he trusted, was not likely to be endangered by any recent events in that country, and he hoped that it at least would not be endangered by any injudicious interference on the part of this country, if any struggle should take place in France, the markets of Great Britain, were at length accessible to Holland, the Netherlands, and France. Whether it was thought that England could not permanently obtain any supply of corn from these countries, or that they waited for further information on this subject, he knew not; but the fact was, that with regard to the supplies from these countries, they had no information whatever; and they were ignorant_both as to the capacity they possessed of producing more corn than was necessary for their own consumption, and as to the price at which corn could be imported from them into England. He knew that he should be told, that all examination on the subject was unnecessary, from the notoriety of the fact, that importation had taken place to a considerable extent from these countries, and that such importation had produced a great effect on the home market a notoriety which precluded the necessity of any inquiry. He anticipated this statement, as one which the noble lord opposite was likely to make. But to this he would answer, that no noble lord ought, from the importation of one particular year, to conclude that the same thing would happen in all future years. The importation of that year might be produced by a thousand temporary cir cumstances which were not likely to continue. In fact, they had some sort of evidence, to shew, that such a state of things as did exist last year arose from peculiar circumstances, which could not be supposed to continue. He alluded to the two witnesses called on this point Mr. Samuel Scott and Mr. Barandon. Mr. Scott told them, that in the present relative state of the home market and the continental markets, it was impossible that any considerable importation of grain could take place. He allowed that some wheat had arrived that year, but not in considerable quantity; and he accounted for it partly from disappointment of the holders of wheat on the continent, who had principally intended their adventures for the Spanish and Portuguese markets, which markets had fallen in a greater proportion than the markets in England, and

partly from an expectation of the foreign merchants that an advance would have taken place in Great Britain. Here, then, there was evidence that the importation arose from a decrease in the demand in Spain and Portugal, since the cessation of hostilities. Mr. John Barandon stated, that the importation was on account of the high prices expected in this country, and the high duty which they thought would be imposed.

The noble earl proceeded to observe, that upon this point there was no satisfactory information as to the price at which grain could be imported, and that therefore it was peculiarly incumbent upon the House to call for information upon this branch of the subject before they proceeded to legislate. He was aware he should be told, as it had already been said, that the importation of grain to a considerable extent from France, together with the price, was a matter of notoriety. Still, however, much information upon the subject was required, particularly if, as there was reason to believe, a large importation had taken place upon the specula tion of some measure regarding the Corn laws passing through Parliament. If this were the case; then it would be found that the avowed or intimated intention of Parliament had been the chief cause of the importation, against the effects of which it was the object of this very measure to seek protection. Upon another important point also they were greatly in want of information; he alluded to the effect of the present mode of taking the averages. It was on all hands admitted, that the present system of ascertaining the averages was extremely erroneous. The average was struck of the twelve maritime districts; and one small district in South Wales, where perhaps not more than 100 quarters of wheat were sold, might regulate the average of the vast supply for the consumption of this great metropolis. No information whatever was before them as to the effect which this mode of striking the averages would have upon the price under the present Bill. Were they sure that they were really legislating for a price of 76s. or for 80s.? They had no data whatever before them to lead them one way or the other to any certain conclusion; all was doubt, hesitation, and contradiction. It had been said that the effect of the measure would be to raise the quartern loaf to Is. 4d. This had been controverted; and he was ready to admit, that supposing the

did not mean to object to the general
principle of extending protection to agri-
culture; that was equally just as applied
to agriculture as to the woollen trade, the
coal trade, and other branches of com-
merce. The question was, what protec-
tion was required by the actual circum-
stances of the case? He was aware that
agricultural distress existed to a great ex-
tent; he knew that in his own neighbour-
hood it existed to a considerable extent,
The pressure on the farmer of course ex-
tended in an aggravated degree to the
labourer. Still, however, it should be re-
collected what the price of wheat was for
a few years previous to 1813, and even in
that year, although a year of great plenty,
the price of wheat was 120s. It was im-
possible, therefore, to suppose that so
much distress would have arisen in a short
time from a fall in the price of wheat, un-
less arising from that general derangement
of interests which resulted from the effects
of a long and expensive war. All these
therefore formed strong and essential
grounds for inquiry, in order that they
might ascertain with correctness what they
were actually doing, and what was, in
fact, required to be done. All parties
would be satisfied if a case was properly
made out. The ports were now shut
against importation, and would remain so
for three months to come; no inconve-
nience therefore could arise from delay.
His lordship concluded by moving "to
institute a further inquiry relative to the
state of the growth, commerce, and con-
sumption of grain, and the state of the

actual price to be 80s. the quartern loaf
ought not to be more than 1s. But what
was the fact? At the present price of 60s.
the quartern loaf was 1s. and therefore at
SOs. one third more, the price of the
quartern loaf must be 1s. 4d. He admitted
that this arose from the mode of setting
the assize of bread; but did not this form
an important subject of inquiry, in order
that they might ascertain the details of
the manufacture of flour, and the manner
of setting the assize? They might thus
confer an important benefit upon the con-
sumers, by lowering the price of bread,
which would tend at once to allay the po-
pular ferment. But to do this they must
institute an inquiry, without which they
could not legislate with any advantage or
satisfaction. Another assertion had been
made and denied, that the import price
would be the minimum price in the market,
and that wheat would never be sold at a
less rate. He did not mean to assert that
such must necessarily be the effect of the
measure; but the House had no informa-
tion to enable them to legislate upon the
subject with any certainty, as to what
would be the actual effect upon the price
of wheat. He had looked into the tables,
comparing them with the averages for
several years back, and he had found that
the market price of wheat had been often
below the import price, but sometimes
much above it, and that there was fre-
quently a very considerable difference be-
tween the average price and the real
price. Upon these points the House was
destitute of information, and this formed
an essential ground for going into the in-laws relating thereto."
quiry which he intended to propose. They
did not know whether the import price
might be the maximum or the minimum
price in the market, or what effect the
measure would have on the market price.
How, then, could they legislate?

There was still another point applicable to this subject of the greatest importance, he alluded to the state of the circulation. Would it be contended that 80s. now, particularly after the sanguine prospect held out by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, of the resumption of cash-payments in the next year, was the same as 80s. would be when a regular and healthy circulation was restored? This, then, was a point on which the House required information, and without which they could not safely proceed to legislate. In thus detailing the grounds on which he thought further inquiry necessary, he certainly

The Earl of Derby declared his conviction, that the petitions of his fellow-subjects were always entitled to the most serious consideration. This opinion he had held through life, and he was the less likely to abandon it on such an occasion, when the table was crowded with them. He had presented many himself, with the prayers of which, unfortunately, he could not agree; but as they were all dictated by the most honourable and conscientious motives, they should be attended to. would even go so far as to say, that, as long as there was a single man in the country who wished to petition, Parliament ought to pause. He therefore recommended to their lordships to agree to the motion. It was impossible for them, even if they could pass the Bill to-night and obtain the Regent's assent to-morrow, to prevent the discussions which they

He

might be anxious to avoid. These discussions would arise upon motions for the repeal, and in other shapes that could not be evaded. He agreed most cordially in his noble friend's motion; and if the discussion on the Bill itself should alter his opinion, no false shame should prevent him from retracting the opinion which he now held.

The Earl of Hardwicke defended the committee, and explained its proceedings. The first inquiry in which it was occupied, was to ascertain the price at which grain could be imported. The want of communication with the continent prevented the evidence from being so perfect on that head as could be wished. With respect to the commerce of corn from the Baltic, it was complete; but there was a deficiency in the intelligence regarding France, Holland, and the Netherlands, from which such an immense supply had recently taken place. There was another head of inquiry relative to the manufacture of flour from grain, and of bread from flour. The committee had a difficulty on that subject; and in former times it was found impossible to combine it with the general subject. His lordship then entered into a detail of correspondence between the committee and several petitioners; from which it appeared, that the committee had taken every means to collect evidence either for or against the measure.

Lord St. John said, that if the present motion had been made at a former period, he would have agreed to it, but he thought the proposition now came too late.

Viscount Bulkeley supported the motion, without pledging himself as to his future opinion.

The Earl of Limerick observed, that the noble mover seemed to consider Ireland as if it was a foreign country, and not entitled to the protection of the British Legislature. [His lordship was proceeding to observe upon what he conceived lord Grey to have stated, when the noble earl rose to explain as to the hypothesis he had put with respect to the effect of the measure. The Earl of Limerick spoke to order, conceiving the noble earl was replying. Earl Grey again rose and explained, that he had alluded to the effect which in one way or the other, with regard to Ireland or England, either giving the Irish farmer an undue profit, or to the Irish landlord a greater rent, or enabling the Irish grower to undersell the English farmer, which the measure was calculated

to produce.] The earl of Limerick then proceeded, and observed, that of the six million of which the population of Ireland consisted, four million were engaged in agriculture. By the importations from France, this numerous class of persons were greatly distressed; was it not, therefore, an object of the greatest importance to give protection to this numerous class of persons, which could only be effected by the present Bill?

Earl Spencer observed, that the question was, whether they would legislate with their eyes open or their eyes shut? His noble friend called for inquiry; there were many most essential points upon which they were either utterly ignorant or deficiently informed; surely, therefore, they were peculiarly called upon to agree to his noble friend's motion, that they might legislate with due information, and with a knowledge of all the bearings of the subject.

Viscount Mountjoy urged the interests of Ireland as being deeply involved in the present measure; the agriculture there, from which this country derived so essential a supply, standing greatly in need of protection. Delay would be to their interests highly injurious, as there were a great number of farmers at the present moment who refrained from sowing the ground until they should be secure of protection against foreign importation, under a fair protecting price.

As

It

Viscount Sidmouth conceived the motion to found itself on two things-the necessity of having more information, and respect for the rank and number of the petitioners, which was supposed to be involved in the delay of the measure. to information, he was surprised to hear that now called for. There was, in fact, no one subject in the whole range of political economy on which our information had been so full, nay so voluminous. had been the subject of twenty years. A great number of volumes, and some of them of great excellence, had been written on the question. In 1794, the subject had been discussed. Again in 1804, again in 1806, it had come under revision: two committees of the House of Commons had investigated it; it was now examined by a committee of their own. There was no ground for the idea that the committee had proceeded on ex parte evidence. They had examined the question diligently in its various bearings, and their opinion was pronounced with all obvious impartiality. As to the motion for in

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