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merely as the representative of our Go was not answered; but to shew that the vernment, and he should repeat them to questions which he (Mr. W.) and his show that they were not brought merely political friends had put, during the abto take advantage of his absence. It had sence of the noble lord, were not for the been said, that pending no negociation purpose of attacking a defenceless admihad so many questions been put as during nistration, but in the hope that those the progress of the Congress of Vienna, papers would be contradicted, which, if In answer to this he should observe, that true, proved that a system of spoliation during the negociations at Chatillon and and rapine was carried on, which would those at Paris, no inquiry had been made leave the seeds of war in every state; on that side of the House: he and others that the great Powers had grossly neg. had remained satisfied till the noble lord lected their duty, and put themselves on a had returned--they would have remained level with the man whom they bad wisely satisfied also during the Congress at and magnanimously combined to overVienna, if nothing had transpired of the throw; or if the papers in question were negociations there, or if only vague ru admitted to raise their voices in that mours, discredited by the manner in House, and unite their protests against which they were stated, had found their the concurrence of this country in the way into the public prints. But when measures to which these publications reofficial documents, at variance with good ferred. faith and against plighted treaties, had The noble lord had said, that there had been published with the appearance of been propagated gross calumnies against authority, it was impossible that they this country and the allied Powers. He should shut their eyes; and when they would now have an opportunity of shewsaw that, without waiting for the termina- ing that the honour of the allies had not tion of the Congress, armies took posses- been implicated, that there had been no sion of independent states, and proceeded breach of faith, in those acts which now to make partitions, it was impossible that appeared injurious both to their honour and they should shut their ears to the general their good faith. He hoped if he stumbled, cry of bitter lamentation, disappointment, in the course of his statement, on any and despair throughout Europe; and it paper having no foundation in truth, the became their duty to call on the ministers noble lord would give some indication of present at the time, to know whether the that circumstance, that he might not unreports spread, as to the conduct of the necessarily take up the time of the House, allied powers, were well founded. The The poble lord would not deny, in the first noble lord had probably heard how his place, the declarations of the allies in right hon. colleagues had been harassed their advance upon France, in which they during his absence; and they might have professed themselves the saviours of Eucomplained of the utter ignorance in rope, and the defenders of indepeudent which they were left by him, which dis- states; and promised that a general paci. abled them from cutting a better figure : fication should shew that they bad not but he did not know whether they had forgot in prosperity the lesson which they informed the noble lord of the threats bad learned in adversity, especially the they had thrown out, that when the noble Declaration at Frankfort in December lord returned, all the political opponents 1313, the Manifesto on the rupture of the of the Administration should have reason negociation at Chatillon, and the proclato remember and regret the attacks they mations of the various generals. • Never had made. One very active member of did any men occupy a position so grand the Administration (Mr. Wellesley Pole) as the allied Sovereigns at Montmartre had also promised, that if they would before Paris ! they shewed a moderation wait till the noble lord returned, they in victory which obtained the praise of all should have, singulatim et literatim, every men; and bad They there died, they thing which had passed respecting Saxony, would have died at the very pinnacle of Genoa, and Poland; but soon after, he human glory. What had their subsequent had begged that all that he had said conduct proved, but that they had formight go for nothing. It was not his wish gotten all the lessons which should have that the noble lord should be bound by made so deep an impression on them, and the declaration of his colleague, or that that they wished to tread in the steps of the right hon. gentleman should resign the conqueror whom they had destroyed, his seat in the Cabinet, because his pledge and, unless the papers which he should


allude to could be disproved, that they presence of that noble lord-who, in reply, had been pursuing the same paltry, pil. had seemed to dwell with such particu. fering, bartering system which had led larity on one point as to attract notice, heretofore to the destruction of so many though he was too manly and had too high states. The Treaty of Paris, however, a sense of his own honour and that of his was concluded after the blood less entry of country, to attempt to equivocate. The Paris, and with the exception of one noble lord's colleagues also in his absence bloody blot--the renewal of the Slave had given full assurances, though little inTrade—bat Treaty had met with universal formation; and the Chancellor of the Exapprobation. As the noble lord had wished chequer had assured them, that to the par. him to concentrate his questions into one tition of Poland and the transfer of Saxony, motion, he should first ask, whether the the noble lord could not lend his name. Treaty laid on the table of the House The next question he should ask was, contained the whole of the articles there whether prince Talleyrand bad not adagreed upon, or whether there were any dressed a note to prince Metternich on secret articles in that Treaty? If there the 19th of December last, which had been were any secret articles which had not published in many of the journals of Eu. been laid before the House on that occa. rope, complaining of the conduct of all sion, he should say that the noble lord the Powers at the Congress except France? bad obtained the approbation of the House Here the hon. gentleman read some exsurreptitiously on that Treaty, and if on tracts from the note alluded to; which note that occasion one enormity was decided appeared to him to present a full justificaon-the fate of Genoa-it was a subject of tion of what had been said in the noble serious charge against the noble lord, that lord's absence, by bimself and others, as information of that article was not laid to the views of Congress, and he now before the House; then they might have called upon the noble lord to vindicatedelivered their judgment on it (and what his conduct, with that of the allies, against that judgment would have been there could the bitter comment which that note conbe no doubt), so that that enormity miglit tained-against the charge of a departure have been prevented. The bon. member from those principles which were so loudly here observed, that as a friend to mankind professed previous to the abdication of secret articles seemed to him to be pro- Buonaparlé. Was this note of prince Talductive of no good whatever. They knew leyrand a genuine paper, or was it not? the secret articles to the Treaty of Tilsit, For if it were, he apprehended that the and to what fraud, bribery, and corrup- attacks made upon that Congress, of which tion-worse, perhaps, than the loss of the noble lord was a party, could not be human life--they had given rise; and deemed unjustifiable. The noble lord under the pretence of those articles the had stated, that he had returned from the Copenhagen expedition had taken place. Congress without having concluded any When treaties were made public, secret Treaty, but that all the great points were articles being reserved, soch conduct was adjusted, and that all the great Powers an imposition on nations, by affirming were agreed. He would, however, ask falsely that such and such were the the noble lord, whether the minister of grounds on which they might be drawn France had signed any of the protocols of into war, and no other; but it was more Congress, or whether that minister had important that the House of Commons, at not protested against the proceedings of whose bar the affairs of the world were Congress towards other Powers, as well as tried, should have the truth, and the whole towards France itself; and surely France truth before them. Before the noble lord was to be considered as one of the 6

great left England, some Genoese and Poles- powers" assembled at Vienna? men of high birth and great respectability So much as to the general principles -had feared that the independence of which actuated the conduct of Congress, their states might be overlooked among and that of the noble lord; and here be the concerns of the greater Powers, and would take occasion to assure the noble the noble lord had been reminded that lord, that if he omitted to state any thing Genoa was an independent state, and that in his presence, which he had been urged the partition of Poland had sown the seeds by a sense of duty to bring forward in of all the eyils which had befallen Europe. the noble lord's absence, such omission He (Mr. W.) had read the proclamation must be merely the result of forgetfulness ; of lord W. Bentjnck in that House in the for be had no disposition to advance a

cbarge against any man in his absence, his greatness. That Congress had adopted which he was not ready to repeat and such practices he felt himself justified in justify in his presence. The steps which asserting; and therefore he had to arraign the noble lord had been pursuing at Vienna, the conduct of the noble lord and the were not such as in his judgment became Allies for having disregarded the lesson the character of the country he repre- which the fate of Buonaparte presented sented, and therefore he animadverted Discite justitiam moniti, et non temnere divos.” upon the information which he had re. But example seemed to have no influence ceived upon the subject. With whom, whatever upon this unholy Congress, while 100, was the noble lord pursuing this in- promises and professions were totally consistent course, in forcing people to abandoned. The hope of the re-establishabandon their ancient governments, and ment of Poland as an independent kingdom to submit to foreign powers, after those -of the restoration of Finland to Sweden people bad struggled with us to shake off and of Norway to Denmark, which hope the tyranny of Buonaparté, upon the pro- many were encouraged to indulge, from mise of liberty and improved condition the benevolence and liberality at one Why, in concert with Sovereigns who had time professed, had proved quite delusive. not long before been leagued with that Upon the liberality of the emperor Alexgigantic power to extend and consolidate ander most men, indeed, were induced to his dominion-in concert with one Sove- calculate, as that sovereign was repre. reign in particular, wbo, 60 late as the sented as peculiarly anxious for the re121h of March, 1812, concluded a treaty establishment of Poland. In the gratifwith Buonaparte which treaty was signed cation of this anxiety it was said that this by that very, prince (Schwartzenberg) sovereign experienced some embarrasswho afterwards" led a triumphant army ment from other members of the Congress, into Paris? But yet in that treaty Austria including the noble lord. But the order agreed to every thing required by Buona of the day, issued by the Grand Duke parté that could be deemed hostile to this Constantine at Warsaw, betrayed the country, pledging itself also to assist in existence of that embarrassment, while it that invasion of Russia which led to the marked the emperor's resolution to withoverthrow of the giant, upon the condition stand every opposition to his will. For that Austria was to bave certain indem- in that order the duke distinctly adverted nities, which, strange as it aigbt appear, to the probability that the Polish troops were the very same as those the noble would have to fight for the independence Jord, with the other members of the Con- of their country; and it was also stated as gress, were now conceding to that power. a further proof of the emperor Alexander's During the prevalence of that enthusiasm intention to cut the gordian knot, if he which pervaded Europe upon the defeat could not contrive to untie it, that that of Buonaparté—which was particularly sovereign bad told one of the principal manifested in this country in the presence ministers at Congress (perbaps the noble of Alexander and Frederick, when the lord) that he had 500,000 men ready to ears of these sovereigns must have been maintain his views in Poland. What had stunned with the repetition of their praises been, or what was likely to be the result -when every Englishman would fain of this monarch's determination, that forget that the objects of his praise had House and the world was yet to learn. ever coalesced with the emperor of France The hon. member next adverted to the against this country--when the most proclamation of Prince Repnin at Dresden. splendid civic feast was prepared to testify Having described the proclamation alluded the national opinion of the great merit of to, in which the occupation of Saxony was those sovereigns--who could have dreamed transferred to a Prussian army, he observed that such a reverse should have taken that the noble lord was stated to have put place that the world should have so soon his name to a paper sanctioning the object to witness such an extraordinary derelic of that proclamation. The answer of tion of all those great principles which ministers to the questions put to them gave rise to such panegyric: But the upon this point, was in the recollection of profession of these principles turned out the House. It was asserted that the occuto be a mere fallacy; avd if any thing pation of Saxony by the Prussians must could serve again to set up the giant, it have been only provisional--that the would be the adoption by Congress of the actual transfer of that territory to Prussia same practices which originally created was a thing quite impossible, and the more

so, as Congress was not opened at the were met with an arbitrary order," Let time the proclamation of Prince Repnin these two officers be committed to a dunwas issued. But it now remained for the geon.” He earnestly hoped this statenoble lord to explain upon that point. It ment was untrue ; for such a punishment was for him to say, whether he had not for the expression of loyal feelings, espeacquiesced in the transfer of Saxony to cially upon general Le Cocq and bis col. Prussia, and also whether in a few days league, who were entitled to the most after he had subscribed to that transfer liberal reward for gallant services, every the noble lord did not, in consequence of honest man must contemplate with horror. instructions from home, present a note

The hon. member took notice of the protesting on the part of England, against change which had taken place in the cou. that transfer ; namely, whether the noble duct of the noble lord within a few days lord did not first consent and afterwards in that House. When he (Mr. W.), and retract upon this transaction, in which he those who acted with him, took occasion, conceived the allies to have most grossly with all the humility of unofficial men, to violated their own declaration of the priu- put some questions as to the Treaty of ciples which they professed to have in Chaumont, they were told that if they view? But if those allies bad made no moved for a copy of that Treaty it would declaration wbalever, he would maintain not be granted ; but yet in a short time that they had no moral right to act as afterwards, not only that Treaty, but sevethey had proposed with regard to Saxony; ral other treaties, for which they never that the purpose which they had betrayed asked, were presented by the noble lord. in this proceeding was truly scandalous, Among others, indeed, the treaty with It was indeed extremely shocking to see Ferdinand the seventh was laid before the this Congress measuring the claims of House, which, when asked for some time potentates by the number of human souls ago, was refused by the Chancellor of the which each commanded, without any Exchequer, with ihat smile which always reference to justice or right. But if so gracefully became that right hon. gen. monarchs would not attend to the march tleman. As to the Treaty of Chaumont, of the human mind, as the emperor Alex. that was concluded in the contemplation ander said at Paris-if these monarchs of peace with Buonaparté, at a time when would not keep pace with the improved the Allies were sick and saints, but now judgment of their subjects-a day of severe being well, no longer saints were they. retribution was but too likely to come. With respect to Italy, the hon. mem. Upon what ground he would ask could ber observed, that by the Treaty of those monarchs attempt to justify the Paris, Austria was to be restored her harsh conduct which they adopted towards ancient possessions in that country, while Saxony? Was Saxony, of which they the other parts were to return to the go: themselves had been so long the comrades, vernments they possessed previous to ihe alone to suffer for co-operating with Buo- dominion of Buonaparte. But what was naparté : Was the sovereign to be dragged the fact? why, that Venice was taken posfrom his subjects, and the subjects dragged session of on the part of Austria perma. from their sovereign, in consequence of nently-and surely this was not in conthat co-operation which neither he por formity with that treaty. For Venice was they had the power to avoid ? After com- not an ancient possession of Austria. It plimenting the manly protest of the king had only come under its dominion by the of Saxony against the transfer of his domi- transfer of Buonaparté at that treaty of pions, the hon. member forcibly animad. Luneville, which Mr. Fox, in his admirable verted upon the tyrannical measures taken speech upon the subject in 1800, had so to prevent the Saxon people from express. justly characterized. In that speech, to ing that attachment to their sovereign, which might well be applied the compli. and consequent abhorrence of subjugation ment of the poet to the celebrated orator to Prussia, which they notoriously felt. of antiquity, “ divina philippica famæ." As an instance of these measures, he re Mr. Fox deprecated the idea of allowing ferred to the case of two general officers the spoliation of France to constitute the of the Saxon army who had eminently right of Austria. How, then, could the distinguished theniselves against the com latter be now entitled to claim Venice as mon enemy; yet who, when they ven. an ancient possession under the Treaty of tured 20 send a remonstrance to Vienna Paris ? But the copductof Austria through against the deposition of their sovereign, aut Italy was marked by a degree of ( VOL. XXX. )


usurpation and cruelty, which flung the Genoa was to be delivered into the hands system of Buonaparté into the shade. The of the king of Sardinia. If those facts tribunal it had established at Milan was of were true and their truth or falsehood the most horrible character, although that was alone the object of his present inquiry territory was only surrendered provision--- where would be justification of the noble ally to the Austrians according to Treaty lord? No disclaiming of lord William between general Bellegarde and the Bentinck would do. The name, and hoViceroy of Italy, whose motto and whose nour, and good faith of the country were practice was “ fidelity and honour.” The too deeply implicated to be at once recharacter of this Viceroy was, indeed, | lieved by such a proceeding, should it be universally respectable ; yet the articles adopted. An hon. and learned friend of concluded with him were most grossly his (sir James Mackintosh) in an eloquent violated. Then, as to another part of speech on a former occasion, which he Italy, it was known that Murat had the (Mr. W.) regretted the noble lord had not throne of Naples guaranteed to him by a heard, had reminded the House of some treaty with Austria, to which the noble important particulars connected with the lord had signified his assent, and the em- annexation of Genoa to France. When peror Alexander had also sent a letter to Buonaparté so annexed Genoa, he did it Murat, expressing his acquiescence in that with some sort of grace, compared with Trealy. Yet it was understood, that it the manner in which the noble lord and had been directly intimated to Murat that the ministers at Congress had acted. The he must descend from his throne. Was Ligurian Republic was represented as this intimation wise, or was the attempt to wishing to place themselves under the depose such a captain with a large army imperial protection of Napoleon; the Doge practicable? The effect of the intimation and Senators of Genoa went to Paris to might, under existing circumstances, be solicit that protection; and so scrupulous peculiarly perilous. But upon this point was Buonaparté to maintain at least the the next accounts from Italy would pro- semblance of acting in conformity to the bably enable the House to judge. Then wishes of the Genoese, that he sent the as to Genoa, if the proclamations which Doge back again to Genoa to ascertain he had before recited in that House were the exact sentiments of the whole body of genuine, the Genoese were deceived, and the people. But how did the allied Sovethe conduct of Congress' was most dis- reigns and their ministers conduct them. graceful. But the Government of this selves? General Dalrymple, in his procountry was particularly implicated in this clamation, told the Genoese that there transaction; and the noble lord must find was no fault to be found with them, that it extremely difficult to vindicate his con- they had conducted themselves in the most duct, unless he meant to disclaim the exemplary manner, that they in fact deauthority of lord William Bentinck. He served to enjoy their liberty and indepenapprehended the noble lord would not dence; but, notwithstanding, they were to dispute the publication of lord William's be delivered over to the king of Sardinia. proclamation at Genoa, which, if he was He would now read a dispatch dated Detightly informed, was known to that noble cember 20th, 1814, from the noble lord, lord five days after the date of its issue, and which, if he (lord Castlereagh) would and no notice whatever was taken of the say was a forgery, he should immediately way in which he had proclaimed himself throw it aside. He remembered a letter to the Genoese. As to the scope and intent which was once read in that House, of of the proclamation itself, there could be which the noble lord said it contained one no, doubt; it professed for its object to sentence the most canting of any he had restore the ancient government of the ever heard; but if ever there was a letter Genoese, under which that republic had that deserved the name of a canting letter; nourished, and found happiness for a series it surely was the one he was about to read of years. But their hopes were delusive; to the House. He did not know, intheir confidence in the faith of this coun- deed, whether it was written in French try was betrayed. A very few days before or English; if in French, perhaps it that 1st of January to which they looked might contain some tournures de langage, forward as the period when they were which were wholly lost in the translation, again to enjoy an independent existence, for among the other wonderful things of a mandate from the Congress reached the present times, he had been informed general Dalrymple, signifying to him, that that the noble lord bad delivered a speechi

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