in French, of three hours long, at the Con- | But, as it was found. necessary, in the gress. It began by stating that "the general arrangement, to take away a warm interest which his royal highness the certain portion of his territory, so it was Prince Regent had taken and continued deemed adviseable to indemnify him elseto take in the future prosperity of Genoa, where. In what part of Italy did he land, had imposed upon him (lord Častlereagh) after his restoration? At Genoa, where the pleasing duty of watching over her the people received him with acclamaaffairs, from the first moment when the tions. They were happy to see an end of British arms delivered her from the op- that tyranny by which they had been so pression of the enemy." Would not any long oppressed. They were rejoiced that one, continued Mr. Whitbread, suppose he was restored to his throne. With the that the next sentence contained a declara- feelings of a free people, they hailed, with tion that Genoa was to be restored to her delight, the destruction of that oppressive ancient independence, and to the posses- government by which he and they had sion of that constitution so dear to her? been bowed to the earth. They little But no such pleasing annunciation was re- thought, at the time, that the king of Sarserved for that unhappy state: the letter dinia was intended for their monarch. It proceeded thus" He (lord C.) regretted was, however, so settled. The members much, as well as all the ministers of the of the Congress at Vienna said, "We have Allied Sovereigns, that he was not able to been obliged to take a part of your propreserve to the Genoese their free constitu- perty in the North, and you shall have tion, because there was every reason to something in the South in lieu of it." In believe that such was their wish." What this one transaction was brought togethera violation of every feeling which is sacred all the perfidy, baseness, and rapacious or honourable in man! In the same breath violence, that could disgrace a country. the Genoese were told that they wished for freedom and independence, and that they had lost them! They were reminded of their strong desire for liberty, and yet they were informed, that in defiance of the faith of Great Britain, solemnly pledged to them, their liberty was bartered away by that act of enormity which transferred them to the Crown of Sardinia. It was known that they did not like the king of Sardinia; that, in fact, they detested his power; and yet they were delivered over to it. The continuation of the letter proceeded in the following terms, after stating as above, that the liberty and constitution of Genoa could not be preserved" without the risk of weakening that system which had been adopted for Italy; but he was quite certain that the general interests of the Genoese were more effectually consulted by the proposed plan, and he did not doubt that, under those circumstances, all classes of people would receive it as a kindness, and submit with pleasure to a regulation that secured their own interests, as well as those of all Europe." Now, if that letter was an authentic one, he would venture to affirm, that a more canting production, or one more insulting to the feelings of a brave people, had never been penned by any minister of any country. Under what circumstances did the king of Sardinia take possession of Genoa ? In consequence of the Treaty of Paris, he was put in possession of his own dominions.

On the question of the Slave Trade, (continued Mr. Whitbread), I wish to ask the noble lord what has been done towards carrying into effect the strongly expressed wishes of this House? I wish to know, whether he has made any progress in procuring the abolition of that abominable traffick? I wish to know whether he has received any substantial assurance, from those powers immediately connected with the infernal trade in slaves, of their intention to abolish it? I ask him, whether he can protect himself, not from the charge of an absolute dereliction of duty, but from the accusation of having shewn a lukewarmness on the subject, when at Parisat a time when it was confidently stated, that the measure of complete abolition might have been carried? Many rumours have gone forth on this point. It has been said, that the exertions of Russia were promised to the noble lord, in support of the annihilation of this trade, to an extent beyond what he would receive; and it has been asserted, that it was owing to him, and to no other cause, that the Slave Trade was not abandoned by France-[Lord Castlereagh here, by motion, intimated that the charge was not true.]-I am glad the noble lord receives the charge as he has done. I am glad that he will shortly. have an opportunity of denying it in distinct terms. I observe, that the noblelord has obtained from Spain and Portugal a limitation, by which those powers bind

trusted, if it were possible for adversity to make any impression on the human breast, that the reverses of Buonaparté would teach him moderation; and that this country would be blessed with such a peace as she had a right to expect at the termination of the late contest. Not a peace marked by bartering and truckling for little objects-not a peace recognising the infernal traffick in slaves, whether white or black-but a peace, securing the rights and liberties of the people, in their most extensive operation. The hon. gentleman concluded by moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, that he will be graciously pleased to direct a communication to be made to this House, of the progress made at the Congress now sitting at Vienna, towards the final adjustment and permanent pacification of Europe, of such transfer and annexations of territory as may have actually taken place, together with other informa tion touching matters still under consideration, as may be given without prejudice to the public service."

descend to her son. The government of I see the necessity of acting with justice France also stipulated to pay to Napoleon, and liberality; if, on the other hand, the annually, a certain sum of money. The dethronement of Louis took place, he name of the noble lord appears to that treaty; but we are all aware of the little part which this Government took in its formation. The signatures of the accredited persons, on the part of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, also appear to the treaty; and it was signed by marshal Ney, prince of Moskwa, on the part of Napoleon-in opposition to whom he is now said to have taken the field. If any case, more than another, called for the strict observance of good faith, it was this. In the first place, to shew their good conduct opposed to his perfidy; next, that he might have no reason for stirring at any future period; and, lastly, because all treaties, whatsoever their contents, should be deemed binding on the contracting parties. Now, Sir, it is alleged by Buonaparté, that he never received his pension he further states, that the proposed provision for his wife and son had not been made; and, lastly, he avers, that it was intended to take him forcibly from the island of Elba, and place him in some other quarter. The noble lord can contradict these assertions, if they are not founded. But, if they be true, what a case can Buonaparté make out against those who have thus broken faith with him! What a case can he lay before the prince of the Moskwa, now acting against him, and who, on his part, negociated the treaty? For Louis 18, individually, I feel the greatest respect. All his conduct since he has been placed on the throne has evinced much moderation, good sense, discrimination, and a gentlemanly feeling highly creditable to him. To the acts of his government, indeed, objections may be made; but whatever has been done amiss, originated, I really believe, with his ministers, and not with himself; while the good that has been effected, was owing to his firmness and discrimination; and, if it please God to withdraw him from the throne, I am convinced that that event will not be produced by any thing that he has done. Mr. Whitbread then ex-tion of which the hon. gentleman had pressed his hope, if a civil war were kindled in France, that this country would not take any part in it; but that every means would be taken for preserving Great Britain in a state of amity with foreign Powers. Should the throne of the Bourbons remain firm, he hoped their friends, from this second escape, would

Lord Castlereagh assured the House, that he regretted extremely the necessity imposed upon him of addressing them at great length on this subject, feeling, as he did, the importance as far as he was able, and premature as the hon. gentleman's wish for information was, to rescue the honour and interests of this country, bound up, as they were, in the honour and interests of Europe, from the evil of that misrepresentation to which they had been subject. He was persuaded that the House would agree with him, that not only the interests of Europe were intimately concerned in this question; but that if any vestige of character remained to the councils of this country, or of those Sovereigns to whom the safety of the world had been entrusted at a period heretofore perilous indeed, and still more so if that part of the alternative of the drama, with the descrip

closed his speech, should unfortunately be realized-a realization that he trusted, under the existing circumstances, would never occur to that character it was due, that as full an explanation should be afforded as was consistent with the observance of a sound discretion. The question whether the councils of those

that he was eminently culpable if he had committed those crimes with which the hon. gentleman had charged him.

to mitigate the severity of those sacrifices by making as important sacrifices on our own part as could reasonably be demanded. When the nature of the sacrifices which we had made to France, to Spain, and to Portugal, should be considered, he trusted that it would not be thought that the British Government had gone too far in return for the sacrifices which those Powers had made with respect to the Slave-trade. But if the House should find that, notwithstanding those mutual sacrifices, there existed a feeling in other nations which compelled their Governments to abstain from farther concessions, the House would, from that circumstance, collect this fact, that however we were actuated by a wish to accelerate the general abolition of the trade, the obstacles to that abolition in other countries must be great indeed, which such sacrifices had not been able wholly to overcome; and they would, therefore, in justice, refrain from reviling the Governments of those countries from arriving quickly at the termination of a traffick which we, with our nicer moral feeling upon it, had not accomplished until the lapse of many years. Due allowances ought to be made on this subject; and those Powers which shewed themselves disposed eventually to contribute to the common object, ought not to be disgusted or alienated by a refusal of justice to the motives which withheld them from immediate action. When last he had the ho

Before he entered into the more general and ample field of European policy, he wished to discharge a debt of duty which he conceived due to the House (and he would do this shortly, as future opportunities would occur for more minute detail), in order to shew them how far the great object of Parliament, as declared towards the close of the last session, had been accomplished, and how far their injunctions on that occasion had been attended to. He alluded to the measures which had been adopted for the abolition of the Slave-trade. On this subject an hon. gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) had recently made some inquiries, and to those inquiries he was now, as far as he was able, about to answer. He did not know what value might attach, in that hon. gentleman's mind, to the exertions made by his Majesty's Government on this subject, and he could readily make allowance for that laudable impatience of moral feeling which manifested itself with respect to it; but he trusted that that impatience would not lead to an undervaluing of what had been obtained. On this question he should have no difficulty in submitting to Parliament the details, extensive as they were, of what had passed in the Congress. He flattered himself that when those details came before them, it would appear that no rational effort which it was possible for this country to make had been unattempt-nour of addressing the House on this subed, and that the British Government had exhibited as much zeal as the warmest advocates of the wished-for measure could desire. Indeed, he could not help expecting that a counter-objection would be made to the proceedings of his Majesty's Government, and that they would be accused of having evinced a disposition to make sacrifices too great for the object. He confessed, however, that he entertained less serious apprehensions with respect to this than to the opposite charge; for, in his opinion, it was eminently important to the character of this country, taking, as it did, on the subject of the Slave-trade, a tone extremely painful to foreign Powers, and extremely prejudicial to our foreign relations in other respects, by every means in our power to demonstrate that we were not influenced by colonial policy, or any base and interested principle; but that if we called on foreign Powers to make great sacrifices on this subject, we were prepared

ject, he had informed them, that the utmost he had been able to obtain from France on the subject, was a pledge to abolish the trade in five years that Portugal had made a general declaration in favour of the abolition, without stating any particular time; and that the third Power, actively occupied in the trade, Spain, had made no engagement, general or particular. He had now the satisfaction to say, that although he was unable to announce the immediate and actual abolition of the trade, all the Powers of Europe had agreed that it should not be extended beyond the period at which by possibility it could be terminated. They had concurred in a solemn address to the world, on the necessity of sweeping a trade, so intolerable in a moral point of view, from the face of the earth, and bad pledged themselves to take no further time for that purpose than was necessary for the internal regulation of their own dominions. When the docu