object at all, or it would effect something far beyond that object; and required, therefore, great nicety in the wording, and many other clauses to explain and limit it. Supposing abuses to exist, a shorter and a more expedient way would be for Parliament, if it thought an individual to be greatly aggrieved, to address the Crown upon the subject, and to obtain the removal of those ministers who had so advised the Crown. To deprive the Crown of its prerogative of controlling the army, so far as the power of dismissing its officers went, would introduce as great an anomaly into the constitution as that which was pretended to exist in the present system. As the army could not exist without the power of Parliament, so it could not be put in motion without the power of the Crown; that was the counterpoise provided by the constitution; but that balance would be partly destroyed if the proposition of the noble lord were carried. He should therefore vote against it. Mr. Wynn thought, that as the Mutiny Bill provided many of the temporary regulations of the army, and as, under its provisions, courts-martial were held, it could not be improper to introduce into it a clause such as the noble lord had proposed. He could not agree with the right hou. gentleman, that the House could properly investigate the case of this lieutenant or that major in order to address the Crown in any particular instance of abuse. The course now proposed would be preferable. He should therefore support the clause. The clause was negatived without a division. Mr. Whitbread complained of the power which magistrates had of sending persons confessing themselves to be deserters to the dépôt at the Isle of Wight without any record; and said, that when the clause allowing such a power came to be read, he should move an amendment. Lord Palmerston said, that this power was allowed, to prevent the collusion, which sometimes took place, when one informed against another for being a deserter, and received the reward, while the person informed against had never been in the army, and only shared the reward with the informer. Mr. Wynn wished that there should be some mark of disapprobation affixed to duels in the army, especially as some courts-martial now promoted duels. He alluded to the case of ensign Cowell, who was dismissed the service by the sentence of a court-martial, for not sending a message in an affair in which he supposed himself the aggressor. The hon. gentleman related the affair, by which it appeared that Mr. Cowell went a little heated with wine to a theatre at Bourdeaux, and meeting Mr. Harvey, the paymaster of the regiment, from whom he thought he bad received some slight, he behaved to him in something of a hostile manner. However, reflecting on his conduct, and perceiving that he had been wrong, he made a submission to Mr. Harvey. Yet though he acted with such real spirit, and with so much of what ever distinguished the man of true bravery and honour, from the bully or the coward, he was brought to a court-martial and dismissed. The sentence, the hon. gentleman said, was not only pernicious to military discipline, but at direct variance with the laws of the land. What, he asked, would have been Mr. Cowell's situation had he sent a message, and killed his antagonist, in an affair in which he conceived himself the aggressor? It was ever the sign of true magnanimity not to be afraid to make a concession for an injury; and only a want of real bravery would risk taking away the injured person's life rather than submit to confess a fault. The hon. gentleman concluded by repeating his wish that military duels should have some mark of disapprobation affixed to them. The report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Wednesday, March 8. EMIGRATION.] Mr. Horner begged to put a question to the right hon. gentleman over the way, which might be in some degree connected with the Corn Bill. Much had been said, in the course of the debates, of the danger of emigration by our artisans and mechanics; and an advertisement had been put into his hand, which, if correct, would imply that ministers had been aiding in promoting the departure of our manufacturers and others from this country. This advertisement was from a person who styled himself, in a Scotch newspaper, " government commissioner and general agent in Scotland;" and it stated that it was the intention of ministers to encourage settlers in the British provinces of North America, and that for that purpose ships were ready in the Clyde | House-proved so clearly the insufficiency of the present representation of the country, as the number of petitions which had been on this occasion submitted to parlia ment, without producing any effect what to take in passengers, &c. The hon. and learned member wished to know whether government had given any authority or instructions to the individual who had put forth this advertisement? The Chancellor of the Exchequer could not give any information with regard to the particular advertisement'; but he did certainly know, that it had been in the contemplation of the Secretary of State for the Colonial department to take measures to prevent emigration to the United States, and for that purpose to promote it to our own settlements in North America. Mr. Horner gave notice that on an early day he would bring the subject under the consideration of the House. PETITIONS RESPECTING THE CORN LAWS.] Numerous petitions were presented relating to the proposed alteration in the Corn Laws. Mr. Baring rose for the purpose of presenting a petition, signed by between 5 and 6,000 inhabitants of the city of Carlisle and its immediate neighbourhood; a number which comprized, with very little exception, the whole of the grown population of the district he had mentioned. The prayer of the petition was similar to that which had been so frequently stated during the evening, namely, that no alteration should be made in the Corn Laws. The petitioners had, however, made remarks on a variety of other subjects; and they seemed to think, that the Board of Agriculture was a very great nuisance. They expressed their conviction, that the members of that board, by tampering with the Corn Laws, from time to time, had rather occasioned evil than good. The petition, though it did not absolutely pray for parliamentary reform, yet touched indirectly on that subject. The sentiments of the inhabitants of Carlisle were thus expressed: "Your petitioners," say they, "are satisfied, that any hope of success in restricting the importation of corn, must arise from the people not being fairly represented from the want of parliamentary reform." And they recommended to them, by "granting no more public money than was absolutely necessary, and by doing away the corn laws, to shew that they were really ready to support the interests of the people." He agreed with them in the view they had taken of the subject; for no argument-no fact that ever before had been submitted to that ever. Sir James Graham said, he had never heard of this petition, as his constituents at Carlisle had never favoured him with their opinions or intentions upon the subject. The whole population of that place was not much more than 9,000. With respect to the corn laws, he owned that he in part agreed with them. He had made it his business to inquire particularly into the subject during the course of the last 12 months; he had spoken to many persons connected with agriculture in most parts of the country; and this he would state to the House, that from the greatest proprietors of land downwards, he found they would be satisfied with an average price of 72s. the quarter, so as to have 80 or 85s. for the best wheat in the market. He bad heard from the best surveyors, that if the average price was 72s. the best market wheat would be 80 or 85s.; and he was astonished that Parliament should think of fixing 80s. as the importation price. This was not only the language of honest surveyors throughout the country, but of the greatest landed proprietors, persons who possessed more landed property than most consumers. He was therefore astonished when he heard gentlemen in that House say that nothing less than 80s. the quarter would satisfy the agricultural interest. He was no less astonished to hear it asserted that rent was not material in this question; there could be no doubt that rent was very material. If the tythes were at a moderate compensation, and rents somewhat lowered, the farmer would undoubtedly be also able to lower the price of grain. Labour must fall, the taxes had been diminished, and would be diminished still more. And was corn alone to be kept up? The truth was, that corn had already fallen one-third in most parts of the country. If corn was to be kept up by a vote of the House of Commons, the price would fall so heavy on the manufacturing interest, that they would be driven out of the country. If they could find proper protection in Fianders, he had no doubt that they would leave this country; for it would be im possible for them to exist in it. It had been said that it was impossible to raise corn on the South Downs, Dartmoor, and some such places, without a great expense; time thought that a lower average would have been sufficient; but having heard all the debates on the subject, he was satisfied that the price now proposed was not beyond what was necessary in order to give the farmer a fair profit. He knew that there were many who had their lands inclosed, and peculiarly calculated for the raising of wheat, who might be desirous that this measure should not pass; for if it did not pass, much land not so fit for the purpose of raising wheat must be left uncultivated, and then their good lands would procure an inordinate price. He was not at all surprised, therefore, that there were many great land-owners adverse to this measure. Now the state of the question appeared to him to be this: it was agreed on all hands that here was a party in distress, and the only question was as to the relief. On the one side was the great body of the agricultural interest; on the other many well-informed persons certainly, and also a great number of the lower orders, who were utterly unable to reason accurately on the subject. Who was to decide between them? The Legislature unquestionably. He had endea and that the farmer could not be remunerated for his trouble, unless he were secured by such an importation price as that in the present Bill. If the farmer of these districts could only raise three quarters of wheat at an expense of 18. it was a pity he should ever think of laying out so much money on such ground. No price could ever secure an adequate return to such extravagant speculations; and even 150s. a quarter could never produce any profit to the agriculturist. This was a measure which had been proposed, and supported in the House by those who were connected with land, and it ought not to be borne with. He knew well that wheat-had been selling in the country at 5s. a bushel, but this wheat was not fit to be eaten by man. Oats, too, had been selling at 12s. and 15s. a quarter; but they were not fit food for horses. All this arose from the badness of the season; and it would be most absurd to force that to be eaten by man which was not fit to be eaten by pigs. He could assert, that the best wheat was now selling at 80s. and had never been selling at less than 80s. in several parts of the country with which he was acquainted; and that the people, for the best wheat, were satis-voured to form the most correct opinion fied with that price. It had been said they ought not to be deterred by clamour from passing this Bill; he would not be deterred by clamour from doing what he conceived to be right, but neither would he pass a bill merely because there was a clamour against it. He implored the House only to delay passing this Bill for some time, and to inquire of honest surveyors and agriculturists, not those surveyors who were employed merely to raise rents, but those who decided fairly between landlord and tenant, what the protecting price ought to be. If they were to call some of the largest landholders in the country, they would find that they would be contented with much less than 80s. It was his own firm belief, that 72s. was quite sufficient; and he should never give his vote for more. Mr. Fawcett said, that he had received letters from several landholders, stating that they had no desire to have the importation price fixed so high. Sir J. Graham, in answer to a question by Mr. Cawthorne, stated, that wheat was selling at 10s. the bushel in Yorkshire and Cumberland. Mr. Wortley Stuart said, he knew that it had been at 10s. the bushel, but that it had since fallen back. He had at one on the question, and should vote according to his conscience and the best of his understanding. Having once clearly ascertained what was his duty, he should be ashamed to shrink from it; and if he had represented the most populous place, he should decide exactly in the same way, and tell his constituents that they had no right to control his judgment and vote. With regard Mr. Calcraft said, that though the lower orders were not perhaps judges of all the minute details of a question of this kind, they knew, from experience, that whenever the subject of wheat, bread, or provisions was mentioned in that House, it had always the effect of raising the price of them to the consumer. to the inferior lands which had been alluded to by the hon. baronet, whatever was done by the House, it would be impossible to keep them in cultivation, unless a similar stimulus should be applied from time to time; and even this stimulus would be insufficient to keep them in cultivation to the amount wished. Nothing could be more impolitic than such a system. Had they not seen other things raised to an immoderate height, by the number of acres which had been converted from pasture to arable? He said he had been highly pleased to hear the ງ hon. baronet express himself as he did, because he was a man of great experience, had a knowledge of all parts of the country, and was connected with some very great estates. The hon. baronet had fixed on the same sum as he himself had fixed on. After the statement which the House had done him the honour to listen to the other night, and which the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Huskisson) had not refuted in any part, he should trouble the House very shortly at present. It was monstrous to hear the arguments made use of in that House. Among the different burthens of poor-rates, taxes, and tythes, with which the farmer was loaded, no mention was made of rent as a burthen on the farmer. He would say that he had had conversations and held correspondence with farmers in different parts of the kingdom; and they all disclaimed that the present Bill was a cause of theirs. He wished the House to consider this subject more maturely, and not make such a respectable body of men as the agriculturists of this country, odious in the eyes of their fellow-citizens. It was the prayer of all of them that a measure of such great importance, might not be precipitated. Mr. J. Graham said, he had not advised the withdrawing of land from cultivation; he had merely said, that if land was cultivated at 181. an acre, the cultivator never could he repaid. He had not said that the agriculturist ought not to be protected; agriculture and manufactures ought equally to be protected; but if a preference were necessary, it ought to be given to agriculture, as it was productive of more moral good. Mr. Methuen wished the House to bear in mind that it had been admitted by an hon. member, that the present Bill had already raised the price. had been made out to justify the interference of Parliament to this extent. Mr. Baring hoped the inhabitants of all the petitioning towns would receive such support as had been given by the hon. member for Carlisle to their constituents. The hon. baronet, who was so well acquainted with the country, had told them, that if a committee of impartial and fair men were appointed, much less would be found requisite than 80s. a quarter. But he had always argued from the partial report itself, that the price ought to be much less. An hon. gentleman whose displeasure he had formerly incurred, had even himself said that something less than SOs. would do. He had only to regret that those who thought 80s. too much, when there was a question for leaving out 80s. were generally in the majority. Mr. Philips presented a petition from certain journeymen tailors, assembled at their house of call, the Peacock, in Claremarket, against any alteration in the Corn Laws;-which was ordered to lie on the table. CORN BILL.] On the motion that the report of the committee on the Corn Bill, be now brought up, Sir Gilbert Heathcote rose, and after stating that he was afraid to trust his feelings on this occasion, he proceeded to observe, that, when he witnessed such a multitude of petitions laid on the table of that House, and saw how little they were attended to by those who, no doubt, were desirous of being considered the representatives of the people, he could not help believing that the people had just reason to complain that they were not freely and fairly represented. Those who were enemies to parliamentary reform ought to mark the powerful engine, which, by Mr. Alderman Atkins called the atten- their neglect, they placed in the hands of tion of House to the petitions which had those who contended that the representabeen presented on the one side and the tion was not what it ought to be. other, and expressed his wish, that the person could suspect that he was hostile numbers on each side should be ascer- to the agricultural interest; but he could tained and stated. The petitions against not forget the great services which the the measure were not signed by the rabble commercial interest had performed for the who had committed those outrages which country; services by which the empire all must abhor, but by a vast number of was enabled to make the effectual strug intelligent people, perfectly competent to gle which had been so gloriously termidiscriminate, and to form a correct judg-nated. The hon. baronet then proceeded ment on the question. Mr. Shaw Lefevre stated, that wheat had been rising in Reading market for these four weeks past, and was now selling at 888, the quarter. He thought that no case No to animadvert on a speech delivered on a former evening by Mr. Yorke, at the delivery of which, he acknowledged he was not present. The right hon. gentleman, he observed, appeared all of a sudden to forget the commercial interest entirely, and called on the House to support the agricultural interest alone. For his own part, he thought it better to adhere to a system already tried, and found efficient, than to adopt experiments, however beautiful the theory by which they were supported. He should always prefer making the amount of the rent depend on the price of corn, rather than render the price of corn consequent on the amount of the rent. He concluded by moving, "That the Report be brought up this day six months.' Mr. Yorke denied that he had ever spoken of the commercial interest in the manner attributed to him. as strongly as any man, that the delibera. tions of the House, to be useful to the country, must be unbiassed and unintimidated; and never would compromise the freedom of so important an agency. But, on the other hand, as an humble individual sitting in that House, he could not consent that the people of England should be thrust from the bar without time for petition, nor that the voices of those by whose franchise gentlemen sat there should be unheard or disregarded. Besides this view of the subject, on which he mainly and readily rested his vote, there were several considerations on which he should pause, both as to the justice and the policy of the measure. He thought that it was Lord Nugent rose to second the amend-imposing a high standard price on an ment. He said that on the same grounds on which the other night he had voted against going into a committee, he should now give his hearty and decided vote against receiving the report. Under an impression of the difficulties with which the question was surrounded, and the importance of the interests involved, he had, not without some hesitation, arrived at a decided opinion by which to direct his conduct. But the question, as it now stood, involved other considerations besides those of the ultimate expediency of the legislative measure. He thought the question had been hurried through the House, up to its present stage, in a manner indecorous to Parliament, and injurious to the people of England. On a question of such intricacy, and such importance to our commercial as well as landed interest, time ought to have been given to members to instruct and satisfy their own minds, so that, even should they be disposed to concur in the necessity of the Bill, they might have means and opportunity to reconcile, if possible, the wishes and feelings of their constituents. No such opportunity had been given, and the Bill had been hurried through with a haste ill becoming the importance of the subject, or the gravity of Parliament. The people of England were at the doors; he meant not in riotous and tumultuous meeting, but in respectful, constitutional, and rightful remonstrance, by way of petition. This was not a moment for hurrying such a Bill, or for running as it were a race for time against the petitions of the people. He trusted he was as little disposed as any man who heard him to concede any thing to the outcry of a mob, which was as contemptible as it was violent. He felt article, which as it had fluctuated under the burthens and chances of war, so would it, under the influence of peace, find its own proper and natural level. The measure would, he thought, encourage to an alarming extent emigration among the middling orders, particularly among manufacturers, who would export arts, enterprize, and hands, to those countries where sustenance was cheaper, and the wages of labour corresponded better with the means of life. He thought no case had been made out to convince the House that this minimum standard would have the ultimate effect of keeping corn at a more moderate level; but he was convinced that the immediate operation of it would be the reducing the labouring class to a more wretched dependence on parochial assistance than the poor-laws had already placed them in. It belonged to older men than himself to recollect the good days of the English peasantry. The high and honourable pride which once kept the peasant from stooping to parochial relief was now extinct, the possibility of his maintaining himself and his family by honest labour was now no more; and laws such as these would perpetuate this wretched change, would make it worse, and bring down a free and gallant peasantry to the abject state of serfs of the soil. The English peasantry had done much in our support; had made many sacrifices, through a long, arduous, and, at one time, nearly hopeless war. We had animated their exertions by bidding them look to the blessings of peace, whenever, under Providence, peace should arrive. They had abided with us, and for us, the pelting of the storm. The storm was overpast, and what was the poor man's reward in peace? What were |