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had abandoned his new taxes, and, under, his right hon. friend declared it was his an alteration of circumstances, sought 10 intention, in the then state of Europe, to raise a considerable sum within the year, give up the property tax; but be said which could now only be done by the he would resort to it in the event of war. measure about to be proposed, that, there. In making this declaration, be did not fore, all the ordinary sources of taxation preclude himself from looking to it as a were destroyeit. Was this, he would ask, grand resource, in that mixed state, where, logical reasoning? Was it the reasoning if we were not absolutely at war, great preof a man of information? Or was it fit to be parations were evidently necessary. The put forward in the present state of Europe ? hon. gentleman bad inquired whether he Such assertions were calculated to bave an was prepared to avow or disavow partieffect disadvantageous to the character and cular publications that had appeared in Avelfare of the country. Some time ago the daily prints. He should be perfectly

SO nitive peace between the Crowns of the engagements which he contracted by Naples and Great Britain.

bis Treaty of Alliance of the 11th Jan “ His excellency my lord Castlereagh nuary, 1814, the undersigned having dewas so good as to assure the undersigned clared by the note which they have had first plenipotentiary of his Neapolitan the honour of addressing to his excellency Majesiy, that he would occupy himself my lord Castlereagh, under date of the with the object of that note.

It has never 291h December last, that they were ready theless remained to this day without any to concur in the arrangements wbich result.

might be proposed for that

effect, Although the King cannot but be “Thus, under whatever point of view keenly affected by this silence, from the the Britannic Government wishes to view eagerness with which he is desirous of its position with regard to the King of entering into more intimate relations with Naples, it can only consider as just and England, he has too much dependence on reasonable the demand which the underthe sincerity and justice of the English signed are charged with reiterating to his Government, to allow him to doubt for a excellency, my lord Castlereagh, of promoment of its fidelity in fulfilling the en- ceeding to the prompt conclusion of a defigagements which it has contracted to- nitive Treaty of Peace between the two wards him.

Crowns. “ If all those reasons which the under. “ No person can be better qualified signed urged in their note of the 29th than my lord Castlereagh to enlighten of December last, required to be corrobo. the English Government with respect to rated by others still more powerful, they the affairs of Naples. Having concurred might recall to his excellency my lord in the negociation which preceded and Castlereagh, the Convention which he which followed the accession of his Neaproposed at Troyes, with the three other politan Majesty to the coalition, he was principal coalesced Powers, by which the the organ of the engagements entered Britannic Government, recognising the into by the English Government towarıls political existence of the King of Naples, the Court of Naples, and his character for solicited an indemnity in favour of the justice and probity is too well known 10 King of Sicily, as an indemnification for allow the undersigned to suppose thai lais the kingdom of Naples.

political conduct will vary in any manner; “ Austria, Russia, and Prussia, adhered and they are certain that he will support by separate acts of accession, stipulated in London the engagements which lie at Troyes, the 15th February, 1814, to contracted in the name of his Governinent that Convention which bas irrevocably towards the King of Naples, as well as the consecrated the principle of the political promises and verbal declarations made by existence of the King of Naples.

him during the last campaign of the " It belonged next to the Powers, in coalesced armies, and principally at Chau. whose hands were all the disposable coun mont and Dijon. tries conquered from the enemy, to find “ The undersigned beseech his exceland to proportion the indemnity to be leney my lord Castlereagh to accept the given to ihe King of Sicily.

assurances of their ģery high conside“ His Neapolitan Majesty could concur ration. no otherwise in this than by his good (Signed) “The Duke de CAMPOCALARO. offices, and he has fulfilled on this point

• The Prince de Cabiati.” (VOL. XXX. )


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prepared to answer this question, when the inspection of instructions, Mr. Fox the subject to which those documents re would have hesitated in moving for their ferred was ready to be discussed. The production ? Suppose it was the case of hon. gentleman had triumphantly ob- Genoa, the papers regarding wbich would served, tbat bis (lord Castlereagh's) day | be laid upon the table in consequence of of trial was near. He was not afraid to a motion he (Mr. Ponsonby) had made meet that day-he would not shrink from upon the subject; would Mr. Fox bare that trial- he would not fly from any thought it improper to have demanded charge the hon. gentleman might think that Parliament should be made acquainted proper to bring forward :-but he would with all the circumstances, that it might not, from personal motives, when he was be ascertained whether the envoy had accused of having sacrificed the public in not, in fact, been deceived by the Govern. terest, give up a sound parliamentary dis- ment at home? If such, as the noble lord cretion ; and because the hon. gentleman had stated it, were in truth the sentiment called for information on subjects not yet of Mr. Fox, it ought not to be taken with. fit for discussion, let loose all the public | out some limitation. He (Mr. P.) thanked documents which came under his cogni- the noble lord for the negative information zance, and disclose ihe instructions under he had given to the House upon a matter which his Majesty's Government had of the highest moment; he was happy to acted. This was a principle never acted infer from what had been said by the on by any person who could lay claim to noble lord, that Government had not yet the mind of a statesman. He was sure, taken any warlike measure. What state Mr. Fox never called on his Majesty's secret would have been divulged if the servants to give up the instructions under noble lord had condescended in plain which they acted. If any proceeding of terms to aver that we were not yet in a ministers was culpable in itself, Parliament state of actual hostility? What important had a right to investigate it. But he state secret would have been divulged, if could never consent to give up instruc-the noble lord had ventured to answer the tions, in which the various views of Go- question regarding an engagement in vernment were disclosed, merely that the Italy? The noble lord had declined sayhon. gentleman might exercise his inge- ing any thing also upon the document which nuity on them, and pick a hole here and had appeared in one of the public journals. there in the proceedings; by marking He had not avowed it, nor had he dis. what had failed, censuring what had been avowed it. What, then, was the fair and accomplished, and regretting that which only inference ? That the letter was was not, and perhaps could not be ac genuine and undeniable. complished. Acting on these principles, Lord Castlereagh did not mean to assert he was not prepared to give the hon. gen. that in no case ought the instructions of tleman the information he required. As Government to be produced to Parliasoon as the Executive was ready to lay it ment; what he had protested against was, before Parliament, in an intelligible shape, I the doctrine that they ought to be pubthey would do so; but to answer ques. lished whenever a member thought it tions, for the purpose of giving the 'hon. necessary to call for them. Mr. Fox had gentleman an opportunity of expressing contended for the general principle, that doubts that might be detrimental to the Government ought not without important interests of the country, would, he con reasons to be called upon to make disceived, be a dereliction of his duty. closures that might be injurious to the

Mr. Ponsonby expressed his surprise at public interest. His lordship was ready hearing the noble lord quote the authority to allow that cases might arise where it of a distinguished individual whose me appeared that ministers had acted crimi. mory was cherished, and whose opinions nally or improperly, when it would be fit were venerated by many of the oldest that instructions should be laid before members of the House. it might be true, Parliament; but in this case the cause that Mr. Fox would have objected to pre- assigned was to be balanced against the mature disclosures by the Executive Go- positive inconvenience and impolicy. vernment; but did the noble lord mean Mr. Whitbread hoped, that the same lati. to assert that where no injury to the public tude of explanation would he allowed to service was apparent, and where erroneous him that had been given to the noble lord. and derogatory opinions might be formed It was not correct to assert that he had of the conduct of an individual, without drawn a desponding view of the finances

of the country; all he had said was, either countably to have made their escape that our resources were greatly dimi- through a hole in the noble lord's port. nished, or that the Chancellor of the manteau. Appeals had been made from Exchequer was an

an unskilful financier. time to time to ministers to acknowledge Those who, with the noble lord, main some of those papers, in which the noble tained that our means remained unim lord's hand was evident to every man who paired, must admit that in the hands of the had had the pleasure of hearing him speak, present Chancellor of the Exchequer they They had refused to give any information, did not bear a very promising appearance. but the style spoke for itself; for, however The noble lord was mistaken if he sup- people might dispule upon the meaning posed that he had been asked now to pro- of what was written, or whether it had any duce bis instructions, or the authority meaning at all, no man would deny that under which he had acted at Vienna; a the documents were the undoubted profit tine for such an explanation would ductions of the noble lord's luminous mind arrive hereafter, when the noble lord – The noble lord had mentioned the hals would have to justify his conduct in trans lowed name of Fos. Would to God, said porting the Executive Government from Mr. Whitbread, that Mr. Fox could bave ihis country to Vienna. What he (Mr. been present to have listened to the noble W.) required was, that the House should lord this night-to have heard that man know on what authority the duke of Welwho refused his advice and rejected his lington had signed the Declaration of the prophetic warnings, who scorned the wis13th of March? The question did not dom which ever flowed from his lips when respect the noble lord, whose trial was not he spoke, now taking advantage of his yei come; he had not yet had his day; judgment-as it were, quoting scripture to ihat day which, however, the rest of answer his purpose—and pretending to cite his Majesty's ministers had promised on his authority, by throwing an aspersion on the return of the noble lord from Vienna; his memory. But neither Mr. Fox, nor a day of exultation in bis achievements any man, not even I myself, with all my and triumph over his enemies, when the irrationality' (as the noble lord terms noble lord was to enter the House crowned it) would think of arguing, that all inwith splendour. Not with that personal structions were at all times to be disclosed. splendour which he bad received as a Sure I am of this, however, that by the reward-but with the splendour arising side of Mr. Fox I have contended with from the dignified consciousness of being him for the production of instructions able to free himself from imputations cast when it was intended either to make them upon him by public documents day after the foundation of an impeachment or a day appearing-chasing each other before censure. The practice, doubtless, is now the public, beginning with the Proclama. much improved, when the censure is unition of Prince Repnin and terminating Versally pronounced by the nation, and with the offspring of the last six hours, the the documents afterwards laid before Par. letter of the duke of Campochiaro. When liament, to prove that it was just. Thus was this glorious day of triumph to arrive? the noble lord misquotes and misapplies How long would the noble lord defer bis the authority he adduces; and if any honours on the plea of injury to the public thing possessed the power to call that service? When would he descend from great and lamented statesman from the his high station to give a plain and dis-grare, it would be to hear the noble lord, tinct statement to the House and to the of all men in the world, citing his opi.. country? Why would not the noble lord nion, to screen himself from meriled conavow the document alluded 10, and state demnation. If any thing could raise the whether in truth there had been any en angry spirit of Mr. Fox from ibe tomb, it gagement in Italy? What injury to the would be the application of his name and public service could arise from the infor- authority, not io expuse and punish mis. mation, wbether the league of extermina- deeds and mal-practices, but 10 shield the tion against Buonaparte had been formed voble lord from the heavy censure of the and signed? Would not explanations House and of the country. The noble bave come with a much better grace from lord, in the perversion of his mind upon him than from the documents, that one these subjects, may perhaps also persuade after another seemed to have been picked himself that in the negociations in which up on the road that his lordship had tra- he has been recently engaged, he should velled, and which appeared most unac. have received even the approbation of

Mr. Fox. On the contrary, it is my firm whether he meant to include this measure belief, that at every step the noble lord in his finance for (or rather against) that would have been met by the strenuous re- country. Sir Frederick said, he had resistance of that most honest, able, and en-ceived several letters from Ireland on the lightened statesman. When I gave my subject, and he could assure the House confidence to the noble lord, because I that that country was incompetent to Thought it just in the outset not to impose meet any such demand, having barely fellers, and hoped and believed they recovered, and two years must elapse would not be required, I am convinced before it would have completely suribat under similar circumstances, Mr. mounted, the ill consequences arising Fox would not have refused it; but if he from the ingress of foreign grain into her had found, as I have done, that the noble own market. Did the right hon. gentle. lord was completely changed, tbat he was man contemplate the introduction of the not the same man, or at least had not | Property-tax into Ireland ? acted as if he were the same man, he Mr. V. Fitzgerald complained of this would, as I have done, have withdrawn mode of putting such a question. He that confidence, because I found it mis. would, in reply, merely say, that he was placed. Mr. Fox, were he now living, not then prepared to state what the sum could not, without shame and indignation, was which would be necessary for the behold the mode in wbich the public af- service of the sister kingdom, and of fairs are now conducted. I cannot pre- course it would be premature for him to tend to speak, but I can be proud to feel, enter into the particulars of its exposi. like Mr. Fox; and the noble lord cannot, tion. I am sure, call 10 mind the manner in Sir F. Flood was sorry that, from the which that great man was accustomed to total silence of the right hon. gentleman speak on occasions like the present, without [A laugh), and from his having given no shrinking at the recollection.

satisfactory answer to his question, he was Sir M. W. Ridley took this early op- compelled to infer that the tax was inportunity of entering his protest against tended for Ireland. Every other tax was inis obnoxious measure. He always con met by that country, and the Hearth one sidered that this lax had been laid on for besides : nothing could, therefore, be the defence of the country. We were not more unfair than in her depressed state now at war, though from the noble lord's to make such a claim. expressions he had room to fear that it Mr. V. Fitzgerald expressed his hope was determined we should not be long that the only individual in that House without it. However, we were yet al who supposed he had remained totally peace; and while we were, he did not see silent, was the only one who drew the why we should have this oppressive mea same inference which the hou. baronet sure. The individual now at the head of proclaimed. the government of France had proposed Mr. R. Martin concurred with the hon. terms for the continuance of peace; and baronet in bis opinion of the inability of if those terms were fair and bonourable to Ireland to bear this tax. us, he could not think that the country Mr. Bankes begged to state the cirought to be oppressed with this unequal cumstances under which he would at and inquisitorial tax, merely for the pur- present give his support to the motion. pose of forcing the Bourbons on the throne He was desirous of giving Government of France. He certainly thought it fit every assistance which the exigencies of that the country should be always placed the country demanded, and he knew no in a state of security; but a strict and rigid tax in its principle less oppressive and economy was the best way to place her unequal than the Property tax. Looking, in this state. It was aflicting to hear of however, to the present, not as the con this grievous tax being proposed, imme- tinuance of an old plan, but the beginning diately after the House had learned that of a new system of taxation, he would not the expenses of the Civil List exceeded give it his unqualified consent, unless it the estimate last year by half a million. received some modification in its details,

Sir Frederick - Flood begged to take that and more particularly if it merely applied opportunity of stating, that a considerable to one part of the United Kingdom, and agitation prevailed in Ireland relative to was open to the intolerable injustice of the Property tax. He would therefore excluding Ireland from bearing a proask the Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer, portion of the burthen. Such an exemp.

tion was most unjust, and he should feel, elsewhere. As under the necessity of the it bis duty again io call the attention of war the burthen of the Property-tax bad the House to the subject.

been supported, the renewal of it ought Sir Francis Burdeut took that opportu- the more firmly to be opposed until an nity of -prólesting against the renewal of inquiry was made into the truth of the the, as to the equality and allegations contained in the petitions which justice of which he entertained very dif- had been presented against that tax : ferent ideas from the hon. gentleman who these petitions had been more numerous had preceded him. Before any such | than those which had been presented on measure was proposed, the petitions with any other occasion, and would have been which the table had been loaded should still more numerous if the Chancellor of be referred to a committee, to inquire into the Exchequer had not formally anthe allegations of grievances which they nounced that the tax was relinquished. contained. It was demonstrated by those with the view which he took of the situapetitions, not only that the Properiy-lax tion of the country, he felt, even at that had been productive of numberless cases early stage, that he should not do his of individual oppression, but that it was duty without protesting against the conin principle unjust, and that it was, in fiding such a power to the hands of mi. fact, a tax not on property but on income, nisters, who had shown that they were and that it had been submitted to, when not worthy of confidence, and who were first imposed, as a temporary contribution about to involve the country in a war to be paid, perhaps, for one year only, as more calamitous than any which we had the expectations at that time, as to the ever been engaged in. speedy termination of the contest, were Mr. Bennet opposed the motion, as he very sanguine. But he was persuaded thought the renewalof the Property tax was that if this tax was again laid on, it would the first step to war; it was a demand of never be taken off. Not only was the the ministers on the public for money to tax unjust and unequal in itself, but it was enable them to go to war. Whatever were brought forward under every disadvan. his feelings towards the unfortunate fatage, because, up to the present moment, mily which had been driven from the there was no information as to the state throne of France, he could not consent to in which the country was.

The House embark the blood and treasure of this was first called on to give the money, and country in so hopeless a contest as that, they were afterwards to be informed as to the object of which should be to restore what was to be done with it. This was them. The noble lord had refused to 80 improper and so unparliamentary a give any answer to the question respectline of conduct, that he could not agree ing the authenticity of the intelligence to support any such grant. It was in that the King of Naples had entered Boportant to the country to know, in the logna, that the whole of that

part first place, what was the real state of our was in a state of insurrection, and that relations, and not to be satisfied with the the Austrians were flying before him. If strange ambiguity of expression of the it was the intention of the King of Naples noble lord which was perfectly incom. to erect Italy into one great and free state, prehensible. The noble lord talked, for be had his most earnest wishes on his instance, of the country being in a mixed side. He should exult to see that the state.' What did this mean? Would it plans of the Congress of Vienna had been not be a more manly way of proceeding, defeated—he should exult to learn that at once to avow that they must be in- Genoa had been freed from the grasp of volved in war? He ed the House those to whom it was delivered over

would not suffer itself to be plunged into that Venice was rescued from those who • a war of which they could not foresee the now unjustly possessed it. As voting the

termination, but which they could not Property-tax would be to afford the Godoubt would be full of calamity, and vernment the means of plunging the would ima pose on the already over-laden country into an unnecessary war, he should people, borthens which could with diffi oppose the present motion. culty be borne, and which, it was bis Mr. Protheroc differed from the two opinion, should not be borne, if we were hon. gentlemen who had preceded him. engaged in such a contest, for causes He thought that to the Property-tax we which, in the present dearth of informa-were indebted for the vigour with which tion, had been related in that House or we had been able to carry on the late

of Italy

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