for every heart and head in the country was interested in the subject. He should be glad, then, to hear from ministers any reason why in decency such a measure should be precipitated. According to the language of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it was truly unworthy of the dignity of the House to allow its decision to be affected by the petitions of corporate bodies, or to pay any deference to fur gowns or gold chains: but he differed most materially from that right hon. gentleman; and he thought the extreme interest and anxiety which the public manifested upon this occasion, was entitled to the most deliberate consideration. Surely ministers could not pretend to burry the bill in consequence of any of those riots, which were a disgrace to our police; and really with such a measure as the evidence of the magistrates at the bar described, it would be matter of surprise if the peace were not disturbed. These riots he deplored and deprecated, and the more so because such riots were always calculated to injure the object the rioters professed to regard. Indeed, if an artful contriver wished to promote a measure of this nature, he could scarcely hit upon a better expedient than a riot. He had, however, no suspicion of such an expedient on this occasion, for he was quite sure that the right hon. gentleman who brought forward this measure had not contrived the sacrifice of his own windows. But all these riots were attributable solely to the gross neglect of the home police; for if it were not such neglect, how could Westminsterhall have become a scene for discussion between the Attorney-General and the mob? There were, it was notorious, no riots in the city, the police of which was superior to that of Westminster. In the city, from which a petition so numerously signed was laid on the table of that House, the people proceeded with the utmost tranquillity. In Manchester and Liverpool, also, the public peace was in no degree disturbed. But notwithstanding the public anxiety which prevailed in all the populous towns from which petitions had been presented, no disturbance had occurred. Indeed, the public meetings upon this subject were generally remarkable for a degree of order and decorum, which might be held out as an example to much more exalted assemblies in which more order and regularity was to be expected. Even at the Westminster meet ing yesterday, although an attempt was made to couple the measure with parliamen tary reform, the public peace was in no degree disturbed. But had a ferment even prevailed, would any gentleman state that as a reason for precipitating the measure that produced the ferment? Could any man decently state such a reason for enacting any measure without due deliberation? The hurry of this measure was, in fact, a great cause of the uneasiness out of doors: such, indeed, was the anxiety created by this hurry-such the apprehension out of doors, that sufficient time would not be allowed for considering the subject, that not unfrequently half a pamphlet was advertised through the country, promising the other half if it could be brought out in time before the Bill was passed. But the advocates of this measure seemed resolved to prevent the fulfilment of these promises, and were literally running a race with all the printers' devils of the country. That this measure had had plenty of discussion in that House, he was ready to admit ; but he denied that the country had had a sufficient opportunity of considering it, and therefore he should propose to postpone the further consideration of the report until the first Monday after the Easter recess. If, however, he should fail in his motion, and the measure should still be hurried, it would not be his fault if the Bill had not that title annexed to it which it deserved. The hon. member adverted to the difference of opinion as to the amount of the import price, which was evinced among the meeting at lord Liverpool's, and which difference also prevailed in that House. This difference was indeed such, that if gentlemen would vote only as they spoke, without as well as within the House, a decisive majority would appear against 80s. But some gentlemen seemed to act on this question as members of a political party were sometimes understood to argue, namely, let us go without our friends, and not split hands to divide our party.' It was evident, he thought, that this must be an importing country. For the last twenty years we had imported corn; and if our manufactures did not decline, we should continue to import it. But,' said some agriculturists, who supported the measure, let us have the monopoly of the home market, and we will supply you with sufficient corn' But to those gentlemen he would answer, that they with that monopoly could not afford to supply the market at less than double the price; that is at 80s. while corn was to be had elsewhere at 40s. As to the he was at loss to know what the hon. gencapacity, however, of those gentlemen to tleman had seen in his public life to warsupply the home market, he must be allow-rant him in supposing he could act with such duplicity, or what right he had to suppose that he would condescend to lend himself to such a line of conduct. ed to doubt it. For he could not help preferring experience and evidence to conjecture and speculation; and hence he was led to conclude, that we should continue to import corn. Having that prospect then before us, he considered the present measure as peculiarly objectionable, and, setting aside the question as to the interest of our manufacturers altogether, he would put it to gentlemen, whether, if the case of any third country were under consideration, it would preclude that country from buying food from any other nation, although it could obtain that food at half the price that it could afford to grow it? As to the case of Ireland, he thought that question disposed of by the admission on the other side. For the Irish being free from poor-rates and other burthens to which the agriculturists of this country were subject, of course that price which would afford protection to the latter must amply secure the former. The Irish growers were therefore quite safe; which gave him the utmost satisfaction, feeling, as he did, a lively solicitude for the interests of that country. The hon. gentleman then repeated his former arguments against the measure and its precipitancy; and denied that those who thought with him were at all exposed to the conse quence of being indifferent to the agricultural embarrassments of the country, although they would not support a permanent measure, which, in their opinion, could be obviated with full effect by one of a temporary operation. He concluded with moving, That the further consideration of the report be postponed until the first Monday after the Easter recess. Mr. Robinson rose to observe, that he had already suffered so much from the consequences of misconception and misrepresentation, that he was the less inclined to allow any opportunity to pass when he was so assailed, without meeting it as he conceived he was entitled to do. With this feeling, therefore, he desired to know, what the hon. gentleman meant when he asserted that he had, for the sake of catching at popularity, consented to sacrifice, in the choice of the present measure, what he knew was for the best interests of the country? He did not believe an import duty would be preferable to a prohibitory price; on the contrary, he had expressed himself quite of a different opinion; and Mr. Baring said, that he did not mean to apply the observations personally. What he had stated in the way of argument was, that an opinion generally prevailed, that it would have been preferable to have imposed a duty. He did not mean to imply that the right hon. gentleman, with such a conviction on his mind, bad nevertheless proposed the prohibition, from any desire to obtain popularity; but he certainly did state that ministers had abandoned their duty in advocating a prohibition, because they thought a duty would have been unpopular. Mr. Robinson replied, that his reason for calling upon the hon. gentleman for an explanation, was because he had affirmed that they, his Majesty's Government, had abandoned what they knew to be the better course, and had adopted another, from motives, the mere suspicion of which was degrading to them. If, however, the hon. gentleman denied such an application of his words, there was of course an end of the matter; but for his own sake, he could not permit it to pass without notice. Mr. Baring repeated, that he had no such intention, and especially that he had no thought of personally alluding to the right hon. gentleman. He had made the observation, because not only himself, but several sensible persons with whom he had conversed, were of opinion that a duty would have been the better mode of proceeding. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that when he heard the conduct of that House charged with indecent precipitation in prosecuting the present measure, he felt it his duty to repel that charge in the most distinct and positive manner. Every member must know, on the contrary, that few questions had undergone so much deliberation; and as no change had been suggested of the plan originally brought forward by his right hon. friend, he did not see the necessity for delay; and he trusted the House would not suffer itself to be taunted, by the imputation of precipitancy or cowardice, into a dereliction of its duty in bringing the measure to a conclusion. Whatever suspicion might be thrown upon himself, he would not pretend to the apathy of being insensible to the danger of protraction. He would not disguise his apprehension, that any unnecessary delay might only tend to disturb the peace of the metropolis; in his opinion, there would be more real cowardice in giving way to the threatening riots which existed, and in transferring the legislative functions from their constitutional guardians, the King, the Lords, and Commons, to an outrageous mob. With regard to what had fallen from the hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he had certainly been of opinion last session, that a duty would be preferable to a protecting price; but he had since seen reason to alter his opinion, and having already stated the grounds of that change, he should not think it necessary to imitate the conduct of the hon. gentleman, and repeat his speech for the sixth time. As to the petitions which had been presented, no member of that House felt more disposed to listen to them with respect than he did; but, at the same time, he apprehended they were not to consider the opinions of furred gowns and golden chains, as authoritative upon a subject like the present. It would become those magistrates to open their Egyptian-hall again, to call together their thousands and tens of thousands of petitioners, to tell them that they had, upon their information, petitioned Parliament without any just cause, to confess that their arithmetic was false, that their arguments were unsound, that their conclusions were erroneous, and that they had better re-consider the subject well before they petitioned again, or not petition at all. One common error had run through the whole of the discussions upon the present subject, that of confounding the protecting with the remunerating price, which were not necessarily or naturally the same, as had been proved by the experience of half a century. With regard to steadiness of price, there was nothing more certain to secure that, than a source of supply which we could always command; and as far as human wisdom could secure any thing, it appeared to him that the present system was calculated to secure for us such a regular and steady supply. He begged to express his most positive denial of any thing like a combination on the part of the Irish members for the support of interests peculiarly Irish; for he was convinced that the interests of England, which comprehended the welfare of all, were as dear to them as those of the country they happened to represent in, that House. He agreed with the hon. member that to pass a corn law was a tough job;' and it ought to be so. In an evil hour, about forty years ago, they had departed from that system under which the country had found prosperity for above half a century; he hoped, however, they would return to it again as soon as possible, and having returned, adhere to it. [Hear!] Sir James Shaw said, that the observations which had fallen from the right hon. gentleman, respecting furred gowns and golden chains, called for some reply from him, and he hoped the House would indulge him for a very few moments. He could not help complaining of the right hon. gentleman for his personal allusions; but in the statement which he (sir James) had made, and had made after consulting with persons better acquainted with the subject than himself, he conceived that he was only discharging his duty. Since that time he had conversed with other individuals, by whom his statements had been completely confirmed. Sir J. Newport vindicated the conduct of the Irish members upon the present question, and contended that the English manufacturer had no right to complain that Ireland was driving them to extremities, while they commanded the monopoly of the Irish market; and all that Ireland required in return was, to have her agricultural interest preferred before those of Poland and France. He deprecated the idea that the measure before them should be considered as a divided one between the two countries, when, in fact, it comprehended the interests of the whole empire. Mr. Stuart Wortley said, that he considered 76s. a sufficient protection to the farmer; but to obtain that for him, it was necessary to adopt one nominally higher, and that, therefore, he voted for 80s. He denied that there was any intention on the part of the supporters of the Bill to keep up the rents; on the contrary, he was convinced that the ultimate effect of the Bill would be the reduction of the rents. Nor was there any just ground for the charge of precipitation, for the measure had been in contemplation for a considerable time, and had undergone the deliberate consideration of committees of both Houses of Parliament. With all due respect for the petitioners on this subject, he conceived that those petitioners were one party in the country, and the House had therefore to determine between the two parties who had appealed to them for justice. Mr. W. Smith stated, that his reason for voting for the postponement was, because he did not wish to see the House pledged against the common sentiment of the people. If it was discovered that the acting upon a confessedly uncertain opinion produced tumult, it would be wiser not to push the matter to extremity at once, but to wait and see the effect of further deliberation and delay. The House then divided on Mr. Baring's unison with the feelings of every man in amendment. For the amendment Against it....... Majority............ 57 206 149 The Speaker informed the House that the next stage of the business was to decide whether the price of 80s. which had been named in the committee should be agreed to. Mr. Calcraft reminded gentlemen that all who were not prepared to say that as high a price as 80s. was necessary, whether they thought 72s. or 74s. or 76s. or even 78s. the proper limit, were bound to negative by their vote the present question. The House again divided: For the price of 80s. ......... 184 78 that House, and with those of every man out of it who knew how to value the British constitution, and the blessings which he enjoyed in this free and happy country. If the legislators of Great Britain might not debate on those measures which to them appeared to demand their consideration, without being threatened in their persons and injured in their property, the liberties of Englishmen were gone. And if the persons concerned in the tumults out of doors thought their representatives in parliament so lost to themselves, and so forgetful of their duty to the community, as to suffer these disgraceful riots to have any influence on their conduct; if they thought their outrages would incline them to the smallest relaxation of their dutythey little knew what those who sat in that House felt they owed to their own character, and to the interests of those who sent them there. He hoped by their conduct that night, they would teach the ignorant and infatuated persons (for such he trusted they were) with whom these diorders originated, that they knew their duty, and were not to be deterred from Mr. Baring said, that he must take the performing it by clamour nor by outrage. sense of the House upon this question, He, however, was anxious that that which although after so long a discussion he did had occurred should not be exaggerated. not think it necessary to adduce any fur- Some houses had certainly been attacked; ther arguments. He considered that the and this, in a city so large as London, Bill was hurried through the House with might be easily effected by a few wicked indecent precipitation, and must enter his men, proceeding from one place to anprotest against it. He moved as an other; but it was right to state, that the amendment, that the Bill be read a third metropolis generally had not been thrown time on Friday se'nnight. into a state of clamour or disaffection. The police had not been negligent; but no police could prevent such attacks from being made in different parts of the town under circumstances like the present. It would be false mercy not to take the most effectual means to check such outrages; the hon. gentleman might be assured, the Executive felt this to be their Majority -106 The other parts of the report relating to the inferior grains came under discussion; after which, the Bill, with amendments, was ordered to be engrossed. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, then moved that the Bill should be read a third time on Friday next. Sir Gilbert Heathcote seconded this amendment. The right hon. gentlemen on the other side of the House were much mistaken, if they supposed that the passing in a burry a Bill so repugnant to the feelings of the people could have the effect of allaying those feelings. The House divided: duty; but a desire to forbear as long as | ture, but in the present circumstances possible from proceeding to extremities, something more than a mere assurance was, he was certain, that line of conduct was required. He called upon Mr. Hiley which would best secure the confidence of Addington to state what the Secretary of the House. The Executive would firmly State had done upon this subject, that his stand by the Legislature, and make every conduct at least might stand justified to exertion the emergency of the case might Parliament. demand to protect them, and with them the laws and liberties of the country. Mr. Whitbread fully concurred in many of the sentiments that had fallen from the noble lord, and was equally persuaded that all attempts to compel members to vote in opposition to their consciences would be fruitless. On the contrary, it was known that in some cases the effect was directly the reverse, for several members had voted in favour of the Bill, because such means had been resorted to in order to influence their conduct. What the noble lord had said respecting lenity, particularly as applied to the police, how ever, was very distinct from negligence. From what passed on the former night upon this point, the majority of members must be convinced that effectual steps had not, been taken; and Mr. Whitbread scrupled not to say, that those to whom the public peace had been entrusted, had not done their duty. On a former night, he had suggested a distinct inquiry into the conduct of the High Bailiff of Westminster, and of the magistrates whose presence had been required; but the suggestion was over-ruled. How necessary it was, subsequent proceedings of the riotous mob had shewn. He did not mean to assert that the police of the metropolis generally had neglected its duty; but it was to the Secretary of State for the Home department that the House and the country must look for security; and he hoped the right hon. gentleman opposite would be able to give satisfactory information, first, as to what measures of precaution, and next, as to what measures of prevention had been resorted to, and what safety the metropolis was to hope for in future, should these outrages be continued. Although it was true, as the noble lord had said, that the danger was not exceedingly great, yet the fact was known, that so negligent had the police been in the discharge of its duty, that the populace who had on the previous night attacked the house of a right hon. gentleman, had been able in the broad noon-day to renew and prosecute that attack. The noble lord had assured the House that the Executive Government would stand by the Legisla§ Mr. Addington expressed himself obliged to the hon. member for giving him this opportunity of stating what steps the Secretary of State for the Home department had taken to secure the tranquillity of the metropolis. He was sure, that merely to state the outlines of the various measures of precaution and protection would be sufficient. The first step was taken as early as Monday last; indeed, on the evening before, they had been commenced, but on Monday last lord Sidmouth had sent a letter to the lord mayor, pointing out the necessity of paying a strict attention to the preservation of the peace of the city. Afterwards ten magistrates were appointed to different districts, that had been previously arranged. Sir C. Burrell spoke to order: he thought such a disclosure of the steps taken by Government likely to defeat the very object in view. Mr. Wynn observed, that the statement might be contrary to discretion, but could not be contrary to order. Of the propriety of making the statement the right hon. gentleman was to judge. Mr. Yorke observed, that there was, in truth, no question before the House, and recommended the reading of the other orders of the day. The Speaker admitted that there was no regular question; but suggested, that on important occasions like the present the ordinary regularity of proceeding was dispensed with. Mr. Addington said, he was only about to state the outline of the proceedings of the Executive Government, in pursuance, as he understood, of the wish of the House. If it were their pleasure, he was quite willing to proceed with his statement; [Cries of 'No, no,' from all sides,] at least it might be some satisfaction if he assured the House upon his own responsibility, as far as it was of value, and he pledged himself to prove the fact incontestably, that every possible measure of precaution and prevention had been resorted to; that no means had been omitted, and no expedient left untried. Mr. Ponsonby rose, but, from the great confusion prevailing in the House, could |