boundaries.

The party to whose territory the traces lead is obliged to follow them to the spot where they end, in order to ascertain exactly whether any stranger has arrived, or whether any thefts or robberies have been committed there. If the desérters are discovered, they are conducted to the guard-house, whither the commandant of the opposite side is summoned to take charge of them. Matters of this kind are judicially treated, and the jurisdictions of the frontiers respectively inform each other of the result, in order to give all possible satisfaction.

In this manner the frontier is protected and preserved inviolate : illicit intercourse between the frontier people is prevented. It is by this care, which may appear trivial, that the line of demarcation has been preserved as it was fixed by the Congresses of 1727 and 1768.

The first and principal entrepot of commerce was established on the rivulet of Kiakhta, which falls into the Boro, ninety-one wersts from Selenginsk; and the second near the Gan, which joins the Argoun at Tsouroukhaitou. All private trade ceased at the Ourga and other places on the new frontier, as well as the intercourse between the Bouriates and the Mongols.

(To be continued.)

[The large space we have lately allotted to the affairs of Greece may appear to some of our readers as requiring an apology. The motives we are about to state will, we trust, suffice to justify our doing so. Greece we conceive to be the only country where England has taken an active part. Spain and Portugal we do not refer to, as her acting in these countries has to do with party, not national, interests. Greece is, on the contrary, a power of the greatest weight in its connection with Russian policy. We have felt it to be so, as the long labours of our diplomacy, the thunders of our cannon, the millions of our money, sufficiently tell. We have asserted, and we maintain, that these labours and this expenditure have brought about, through Greece, the very state of things which we intended by these means to prevent. A charge of so serious a nature-a charge implying consequences so grave and so gratuitous, even though not refuted, requires substantiation; though not contradicted, stands in need of explanation. Greece, moreover, by the diplomatic combinations which centering in it have extended to the whole of Europe, and engaged the attention of every statesman of the present period, is a field of inquiry essentially European. Poland, Circassia, Persia, even Turkey itself, are questions as it were in the air; because, whatever their importance, they have not been reduced to specific and practical questions. Greece has, and the character of every distinguished diplomatist of the present day is more or less involved in this question. Two important consequences thus result from the exposure of the mismanagement of the affairs of Greece; first, the rectifying of a question so important in its bearings on Russian policy; secondly, the exposure of the weakness of our whole diplomatic system, by the exhibition of its incapacity on a field to which its whole energies and its chief ability were directed. We may also add that, the state of Greece being the key to Turkey and the East, and to the objects pursued in those countries by Russia, through the influence she exercises over Greece, a statement of the events of that country is more than any thing else necessary to the just appreciation of the documents revealing the policy of Russia.]

NARRATIVE OF THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE

PART III.

Impartial History will one day brand their acts more openly than is permitted now."

MANIFESTO OF THE GREEK NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.-1832.

To continue our Narrative.-The Protocol of March the 7th recommended the pacification of Greece on the bases of the memorandum presented in the preceding December by Sir Stratford Canning to A. Capodistrias. The Residents had at that time written to the Conference, stating "that they had invited the government to enter into confidential relations with them, in order to concert measures for putting an end to the disastrous conflicts which had just taken place."

We have seen the mode in which they had concerted with the government in inducing it to publish a fraudulent amnesty. A new opportunity now presented itself of pacifying Greece.

The Protocol of March was evidently framed by the Conference, under the supposition that hostilities had not commenced, and had been

prevented by the confidential relations between the Residents and A. Capodistrias; or, at least, that they had not arrived at such a height as not to be easily put down. It certainly could not have been contemplated by the Conference that so speedy a triumph would have been ob tained by the national party. So much for the sagacity of the Residents, their knowledge of Greece, and the accuracy of the representations they transmitted to the Conference. But the Protocol arrives at a time when the nation is triumphant, and the Russian faction is dissolved. But the Residents must act up to the letter of their instructions. Their instructions told them that they were to prevent civil war, anarchy, and disorder; that the means to this end was the formation and support of a mixed government, on a coalition of parties. Did it never occur to the Residents that they were to look to the end; and that to resuscitate a party which had expired was literally to kindle civil war, anarchy, and disorder? This was the effect. But not only did the Residents give to the Russian party a share in the government, but they insisted on its having a predominant voice, and

on the usurpations of the senate being allowed to control it.

It was into the hands of this body that was consigned the task of instituting a new government, consisting of the five members, four of whom were of the Russian party, and Coletti, in refusing to take his place as a fifth, was denounced by the Residents as "opposing violence to the only constituted authority in the state." This constituted body was the Senate, and yet we cannot find either in the laws of Greece, the Protocols of the Alliance, or any other official documents, the constitution of this body so often talked of by the Residents. When the commission of five failed, the Residents tried whether the number seven would not do better. The triumphant constitutional party was still in the minority, and not only this, but Coletti was called upon to act with a man with whom the constitutionalists would have no further transac tions, because they considered him a political renegade. This was Tricoupi. His name was then changed for another of the Russian faction, whose only recommendation was that he had been consistently Russian. When this succeeded no better, although sixteen days had