a people that SO much talk of respect for property, the property of individuals is openly invaded, and obliged to submit to the ruinous maximum of dictatorial factions. Ought it not to be apprehended, that prosperous anarchy will not stop at the door or in the pit of a theatre, but sooner or later force an entrance into banks, offices and magazines, there also to affix its maximum: to inflict its requisitions? Since the wisdom of his imperial and royal mightiness has instructed the continent with regard to its true interest, continental warriors are no longer tributary to insular pedlars; and Englishmen, who in exchange for their dearly sold superfluities, received from foreigners their necessaries almost for nothing, began to dread a famine. To lessen the consumption for grain, government looked for some substitute for the distilleries. Their ware-houses weighing down with perishable colonial produce: sugar naturally presented itself and was proposed. The owners of lands took instant alarm; they formed an opposition; and during months, the grain and the sugar factions, with the theatrical and the reforming factions, with the naval and the military factions; with the jacobin, the city and the parliamentary factions, continued to engage the whole attention of a truly factious divided and licentious people. This is not the only instance, wherein the interior of London forms a striking resemblance with the interior of Constantinople, at the period the Musselmen were at its walls, and with their cimeters soon settled the disputes of the contending sects and parties. Every foreign invader of the British islands has become conqueror. Bankruptcy may dismantle; mutiny may disperse; storms may destroy and victory may capture fleets, hitherto the sole protectors of Great Britain against the just wrath of his imperial and royal majesty. Submission, alone, can prevent Britons from being like the Batavians, erased from the list of independent nations.-Resistance may retard in making more terrible the catastrophe, but it cannot alter their destiny. They have no choice left between obedience or conquest. The reigning house never produced a hero, and the domestic virtues of a prince ruling this turbulent and factious people are weak pledges that the repose of continental nations will not still be disturbed or invaded. It remains however to be decided whether, a change of dynasty will be necessary, or a change of constitution will be thought sufficient? Long ago, the mere assent of his imperial and royal majesty, might have produced a general overthrow. Long ago have different factions caused to be laid before his imperial and royal majesty, both requests for receiving support, and plans for effecting revolutions. But these are not times to encourage subjects to undermine established thrones. Monarchs, alone, shall hereafter be the judges of monarchs; and wo to the prince who resorts to an appeal to his people against the sentence of his equals!!! He has ceased to reign. (Signed) To his Excellency, - - Fontainbleau, October 30th, 1810. DUKE OF CADORE. 79 AMERICAN STATE PAPERS. Papers in Relation to the Affairs of Florida. To the Senate and House of Representatives. I RECOMMEND to congress, in confidence, a letter of the 2d of December, from governor Folch, of West Florida, to the secretary of state, and another of the same to John M'Kee. I recommend, in like manner, a letter from the British charge des affaires to the secretary of state, with the answer of the latter; although the letter cannot have been written in consequence of any instruction from the British government, founded on the late order for taking possession of West Florida, well known to be claimed by the United States. Although no communication has been made by that government to this, of any stipulation with Spain, contemplating an interposition, which might so materially affect the United States; and although no call can have been made by Spain, in the present instance, for the fulfilment of any such subsisting engagement; yet the spirit and scope of the document, with the accredited source from which it proceeds, required, that it should not be withheld from the consideration of congress. Taking into view the tenor of these several communications, the posture of things with which they are connected, the intimate relation of the country adjoining the United States eastward of the river Perdido, to their security, and the peculiar interest they otherwise have in its destiny. I recommend to the consideration of congress, the seasonableness of a declaration, that the United States could not see, without serious inquietude, any part of a neighbouring territory, in which they have, in different respects, so deep and just a concern, pass from the hands of Spain into those of any other foreign power. I recommend to their consideration also, the expediency of authorizing the executive to take temporary possession of the said territory, in pursuance of arrangements, which may be desired by the Spanish authorities, and making provision for the government of the same, during such possession. January, 3, 1811. JAMES MADISON. [On receipt of the above confidential recommendations from the president, congress went into secret conclave and passed the following act and declaration.] Resolution: or, Declaration. Taking into view the peculiar situation of Spain and of her American provinces, and considering the influence, which the destiny of the territory adjoining the southern border of the United States, may have upon their security, tranquillity, and commerce, Therefore, Resolved, By the senate and house of representatives of the United States, in congress assembled, 'That the United States, under the peculiar circumstances of the existing crisis, cannot, without serious inquietude, see any part of the said territory pass into the hands of any foreign power; and that a due regard to their own safety compels them to provide, under certain contingencies, for the temporary occupation of the said territory; they, at the same time declare that the said territory shall, in their hands, remain subject to future negotiation. An Act intitled an Act authorizing the President of the United States to occupy the territory therein mentioned, and for other purposes. Sec. 1. BE it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, That the president of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized to take possession of and occupy all or any part of the territory lying east of the river Perdido, [East Florida] and south of the state of Georgia and the Mississippi Territory, in case an arrangement has been, or shall be made with the local authority of the said territory, for delivering up of possession of the same or any part thereof to the United States, or in the event of an attempt to occupy the said territory or any part thereof, by any foreign government; and he may, for the purpose of taking possession and occupying the territory aforesaid, and in order to maintain therein the authority of the United States, employ any part of the army and navy of the United States, which he may deem necessary. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That 100,000 dollars be appropriated for defraying such expenses, as the president may deem necessary for obtaining, as aforesaid, and the security of the said territory, to be applied under the direction of the president, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That, until other provision be made by congress, the president be, and he is hereby authorized to establish within the territory aforesaid, a temporary government, and the military, civil, and judicial powers thereof, shall be vested in such person and persons, and be exercised in such manner as he may direct, for the protection and maintenance of the inhabitants of the said territory in the full enjoyment of their liberty, property and religion. [The following Documents accompanied the Message aforesaid.] Colonel MKee to Mr. Eustis, Fort Stoddard, Dec. 5th, 1810. Having on the 21st ult. taken the liberty of addressing you on the subject of the disturbances in this quarter, and having no acquaintance with any member of the present executive, I have presumed to inclose to your care a despatch from governor Folch to the secretary of state. I have also inclosed a hasty translation of governor Folch's letter to me, which, with some other considerations, has induced me to proceed immediately to the city of Washington, for which I leave this place in two or three days, and will proceed with the least possible delay to Knoxville. I have, &c. (Signed) JOHN MCKEE. SIR, Governor Folch to Colonel MKee. Since the conversation I have had with you respecting the disturbances, which at present afflict this province, I have thought of addressing myself directly to the executive power of the United States, through the medium of their secretary of state, proposing to treat for the delivery of the province in more positive terms than those I employed in the letter that I wrote to his excellency governor Holines; because, as our difficulties every day increase, the necessity of hastening their conclusion increases also. I have believed also that it might be conducive to the better exit of this negotiation, that my despatch should be intrusted to a person who could give to the government any information that it ought to possess, in order that it may deliberate with the brevity, which is necessary. Considering that you, sir, are in a situation to fulfil this object, from having been an eyewitness of all that passed in this part of the province and the adjacent country, you can give information respecting the alarm which reigns among the inhabitants of the influence which the French agents in Louisiana exercise in these disturbances, and the risk which that province runs of being involved in the disorders which have had their birth in Florida, as well as the fatal consequences which may follow if the evil is not stopped in its beginning, and whatever else can be said on the subject. In order to avoid accidents and delays, which it is not easy to foresee, I will deliver to you duplicates of the despatch which I addressed to his excellency the secretary of state, in order that you may transmit one of them by the mail, and by this means to give early information to the government of the affairs on which it has to deliberate. The satisfaction, &c. (which he had in a personal acquaintance, &c.) Mobile, 2d of Dec. 1810. SIR, (Signed) Governor Folch to Mr. Smith. V. FOLCH. I will not detain myself in giving to your excellency information relative to the letter which I directed to his excellency governor Holmes, being persuaded it will be in the hands of your excellency long before this; but I will add to its contents, for your government, that I have decided on delivering this province to the United States, under an equitable capitulation, provided I do not receive succor from the Havanna or Vera Cruz, during the present month, or that his excellency marquis Someruelos, on whom I depend, should not have opened directly a negotiation on this point. The incomprehensible abandonment in which I see myself, and the afflicted situation to which this province sees itself reduced, not only authorize me, but force me to have recourse to this deterVOL. II. APP. L mination, the only one to save it from that ruin which threatens it. The United States are also authorized to accept it; as the disturbances which now afflict this province so near to them, must increase every day-they cannot but have an influence on their tranquillity, an object which merits the first care of every government. The inhabitants of Baton Rouge may figure to themselves many motives which may in their conception justify the determination they have adopted; but they cannot produce even a single one which can make tolerable the tyrannical, illegal, and unjust obstinacy with which they insist, that the other districts of the province should subject themselves to their will. The United States, which profess the excercise of equity, cannot exempt themselves from taking part with the party unjustly oppressed. In this belief I recur to its executive through the medium of your excellency, supplicating him, that he will be pleased to send orders to the commandant at Fort Stoddard, that he should assist with the troops which he has under orders, for the purpose of forcing the party under the command of Reuben Kemper to retire within the districts of Baton Rouge; intimating to him that if in future he should repeat his incursions in the district of Mobile and Pensacola, the troops of the United States joined to the Spanish troops will use force to keep them back. These districts have the more reason to expect from the rectitude of the United States the assurance which I ask, as the party which Kemper commands has been recruited, armed, and provisioned, within the limits of their sovereignty. At the same time, if any proposition is accepted, orders may be given authorizing some person to meet with me for regulating the evacuation of the province and what ought to precede it. I conclude, &c. V. FOLCH. Mobile, 2d of Dec. 1810. Mr. Morier to Mr. Smith. SIR, Washington, Dec. 15th, 1810. I deem it to be a duty incumbent on me, considering the strict and close alliance which subsists between his majesty's government and that of Spain, to express to the government of the United States, through you, the deep regret with which I have seen that part of the president's message to congress in which the determination of this government to take possession of West Florida is avowed. Without presuming to discuss the validity of the title of the United States to West Florida, a title which is manifestly doubtful, since according to the president's proclamation it is left open to discussion, but which has nevertheless been brought forward as one of the pleas to justify the occupation of these provinces, may it not be asked why that province could not have been as fairly a subject of negotiation and adjustment in the hands of the Spaniards, |