[But I shall only give brief sketches-reserving particulars for the use of Mr. Thomas Ritchie, when he shall meet me in the discussion that I have challenged, which I shall soon expect him to do.] ed, assembled at various places, and gave examples of that congress, not having the light of our "free trade industry by spinning from morning till night-and the philosophers" before their eyes, passed the bill, which "sons of liberty" associated, HANCOCK being at their finally was so far extended, that, while foreign ships paid head, for the purpose of obtaining from the colonial le-a duty of one dollar per ton, on entry, American ships gislatures such restrictions and excises as might have paid only six cents-and the goods imported in foreign the happy tendency" of "encouraging the manufactures vessels, paid ten per cent. MORE duty than those imof our own country." Samples of these proceedings ported in our own. And it was this proceeding that may be found in the last volume of the REGISTER, page built up our mighty commercial marine-that enabled 195. Thus it was before the revolution-when the spi- us to have, (as Mr. Madison and his colleagues saw rit of liberty was pure as mountain air. and stars of our land to be respected in every sea. At that it would), a gallant navy-which has caused the stripes the time of the enactment of the law referred to, nearly all the shipping of the U. States belonged to the eastern protected, though the "sacrifice of other portions" was states. But, happily, that "one portion of the union" was pleaded; and we see the glorious fruits of it. Our tonnage is inferior only to that of Great Britain, and freights are as cheap, if not cheaper, in our own vessels than in British ships. And when the black belt shall extend, as extend it will, from Cape Antonio to the southern point of Trinidad-then will the south feel the wisdom of the first congress in the enactment of protecting lawsthough seemingly for the benefit of "one portion of the union," only. But this effect speedily followed the protection granted-the "monopoly" as it was called, reduc During the revolution, it is well known that congress (and there were some honest men in 1776), used every possible exertion to encourage domestic manufactures, not only for the supply of immediate wants, but to establish the real independence of the country. We suppose that Mr. Pinckney will not deny this! Well, the war being ended and peace proclaimed, an extraordinary degree of public distress followed-the paper currency disappearing, and all the "hard money" being required to pay for British and other foreign goods imported. This severity of suffering, and on the account stated, induced the patriot sages of that day to reflect upon some gene-ed the cost of freights!!! ral system that might remedy evils not within the reach of the state legislatures; and the legislature of Virginia and Mr. JEFFERSON's opinion on that branch of indusWe might add the protection extended to the fisheries, commenced the noble work which resulted in the adop- try. He did not question the constitutionality of protion of the present constitution; and Mr. Madison, in tecting them; but, in his able report, broadly supported a pamphlet written by him in 1795, decidedly tells us, both the principle and the expediency of the measure. that the constitution ORIGINATED in the complaints of We might refer also to Mr. HAMILTON's almost simultathe people, that the unequal laws of Great Britain might neous report of a general system, for the encouragement be counteracted. [See vol. 59, page 263.] And what and protection of domestic manufactures-but the histowas done by the first congress under this constitution, ry of the first years of the constitution, WASHINGTON Mr. Madison being the leading member of that body of being president, is filled with such things, and it was reillustrious men? The title of the first bill passed for served for a modern hair-splitting Virginian to discover laying duties on imported articles, declared "the encou- that those who made the constitution did not understand ragement and PROTECTION of manufactures" to be one its meaning—especially Mr. MADISON; who, in his faof its leading purposes! Will Mr. Pinckney say that mous resolutions of January 1794, again covered the this congress "legalized robbery?” THE WHOLE PRINCIPLE THAT WE CONTEND FOR. If it has frequently said, in the most distinct and positive IT ESTABLISHED whole ground that we contend for; and, since that time, was constitutional to protect in 1789, it must be constitu- manner, that the right and DUTY is in congress to do tional now. The extent of protection is a question of ex- that which Mr. Pinckney so rudely pronounces dispediency, and Mr. P. I hope, is modest enough to ad- honest and calls a robbery! But the time has passed mit-that that must depend on the will of the majority, when stone walls may be thrown down by the sound of constitutionally expressed.* may have accidentally heard of a book called Lloyd's JEFFERSON, in his message to congress, Nov. 8, 1808, Mr. Pinckney, perhaps, rams' horns. And Mr. P. should recollect, that Mr. Debates." I advise him to borrow it, that he may know suggested the idea of "PROHIBITIONS" that our a little more than he does about things which he so ig- manufacturing establishments might become "PERNAnorantly, and dogmatically, speaks of. that the constitutionality of the protecting system was expounders of the constitution! was with us-and He will find NENT."*. That then Mr. RITCHIE, the greatest of all never doubted, either in the convention which framed the certain governor of Virginia displayed a home-made constitution, or the first congress convened under its shirt, with all "the pomp and circumstance" of the gloriprovisions. And yet "there were giants in those days."ous occasion, to a large number of citizens assembled As to the "sacrificing of one portion of the union for to celebrate the fourth of July! If further evidence is the benefit of others," it is an old song, and was better wanted-will Mr. Pinckney refer to the old congressung in the first congress than ever Mr. Pinckney will sional reports, inserted in our last number? sing it, when the bill to establish discriminatory duties on imports and tonnage was under consideration. It was said by a few, and a very few only, that it was no matter who carried away our productions or brought foreign goods to us-that those who worked the cheapest should have the preference. But the great majority of John Randolph, however, despises "king numbers." This distinguished aristocrat would out-strip the proud duke of Somersett, if the power were given to him. We intend to publish extracts from one or two of his speeches on this point, and about tobacco, before long, having just had a hearty laugh of scorn at them. ney, with his 257,898 white persons, having 315,665 And Mr. Pinckblack slaves to keep under in South Carolina, would proclaim that weak state "a nation!" We do not know whether the little state of Rhode Island, with her great capital and prosperous industry, might not command a larger force for ulterior operations than South Carolina. The duke of Somersett, alluded to, having married a second time, a noble lady, she playfully touched him on the cheek one day with her fan, when he said, "that his first duchess would not have taken such a liberty, though she was a Percy!" This duke was the prototype of the extraordinary minister for Russia. am quoted as saying the "time for action has arrived." (5)The watchword has been given," &c. and below I These are deadly sins in me; but when the opposite party, through the consistent editors of the Richmond Euquirer" and "Banner of the Constitution," to rally their party, say "now is the time" for the "anti-tariff60.] Mr. Pinckney thinks all's well! This, we supites to be on the alert, &c. [See present volume, page pose, is "nullificatory" justice and liberality!—that high sense of rectitude which is claimed for the people of the south! (6) "No attacking in detail--no insolent investigation words is several times repeated--for Mr. M. Pinckney of separate items." The sentiment contained in these has a mortal aversion to sectional "combinations!" Let us see what the "oracle" says on this subject. which Mr. Giles-yea, WM. B. GILES, late governor of *This produced an interesting debate in the senate, in Virginia, spoke favorably of the encouragement of domestic manufactures! We have a copy of his speech at our elbow. His erratio competitor, in many respectshowever, has always been a "sheep-kicking" sort of person, telling congress that "he would go twenty rods out of his way to kick a sheep." Mr. Randolph on one occasion, in his place in congress said--"we do not govern them [the people of the north], by our black slaves--BUT BY THEIR OWN WHITE SLAVES." I never voted for but one man [Mr. Varnum, as speaker of the house] from that country [Massachusetts, and, so HELP ME GOD, I will never vote for another!" And he also said, in congress- "We know what we are doing. We of the south are united, from the Ohio to Florida-and we can always unite: but you of the north are beginning to divide, and you will divide. We have conquered you once, and we can and will conquer you again. Aye, sir, we will drive you to the wall, and when we have you there once more, we mean to keep you there, and will nail you down like base money. "" Pinckney does, of my humble exhortations to unity, is (7) It is objected that I have recommended the "distribution of tracts"-and as thinking it possible that, to These are precious specimens of the dignity and ele- diffuse information, "my own inestimable Register," gance of the Virginia orator!" But the facts stated by might be further circulated. The last is a very natural Mr. Randolph are too true. The people of the eastern, desire-and I am happy to inform Mr. Pinckney, that and middle and western states do divide-for persons in I have received more than two hundred and fifty new subthem would seem to take the liberty of thinking and act- scribers since the 1st of Jan. last, and entertain a hope of ing for themselves; or they are "bought up" being obtaining not less than a thousand, before the 31st of "WHITE SLAVES;" and we might mention one of them December! And, as it will give him and Mr. Ritchie who now has five members of his family, besides him- much pleasure to learn the fact, I shall add--that about self, in public office!-But the south is united on all one half of those received are from the "south of Maquestions which affect the south; and so far does the son and Dixon's line." But my suggestion as to the disCLANNISH spirit go, that, in 1828, only two votes tribution of tracts was rather the consequence of a like south of the Potomac (except six in North Caro- suggestion in the "Richmond Enquirer!" "Now is the lina, specially interested), were found against laying a time," said a writer in that paper, "for the anti-tariff duty of ten cents per gallon on molasses, though it was ad-parties of our community to be on the alert--to be stremitted by Mr. Gilmer, of Georgia, and others, that nuous in their exertions-to disseminate far and wide they found "it difficult to bring their minds to such a just principles of political economy"—"in the next consystem of legislation." gress, in all probability, will the battle be fought"- "One restless sheep cries baa! and all the throng, "Ewes, lambs, rams, wethers, bellowing, roll along." It is the supreme of the ridiculous, for the south to rebuke the prevalence of a common spirit in the north. I would not excite sectional jealousies--but for those who have perfected the operation of them, as it would seem even in matters of conscience,† to complain, as Mr. *Several southern gentlemen who voted for this high tax upon molasses, not only felt ashamed to support a proposition which they knew was wrong in itself, and some of them also doubted the moral honesty of such a "system of legislation;" but if they really believed the imposition of such duties to be UNCONSTITUTIONAL, was not the obligation of their oaths suspended by a question of EXPEDIENCY? Did they not compromise with their consciences? It will require an able sophist to relieve them of this "coalition." Now, then, is certainly the accepted time--the season when the greatest exertion should be made," &c.-These sayings were right in the "Enquirer;" the editor's orthodoxy-(always orthodox, though "the wind bloweth as it listeth"), sanctifying words which for me to use is pretty nearly treason! And Mr. Pinckney's sneer comes from him with an ill-grace, for in the same paper he inserted a mournful article from the "Banner of the Constitution" (whose editor has been running a race with Dr. Cooper in inconsistency and violence, on the tariff question), exhorting the people to action; and, in describing the melancholy state of the press at Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, he surely recommends his own to counteract the influence of other presses! Mr. Raguet, in the article alluded to, says-Should the next session of congress pass over without such material reduction, in the duties of the existing odious tariff, as will give assurance of a Here we may make a simple remark or two on the return, after the extinguishment of the public debt, to general as well as special distinction between the conan equitable scale of revenue duties, the cause of free stitutionality and expediency of the tariff. In Mr. Jet- trade will, in our humble estimation, be forever lost. ferson's administration, the non-intercourse and embargo Our readers will recollect that we have, ever since the laws were commended in the south, because they en- establishment of this journal, favored the belief that couraged domestic manufactures-and opposed in the the public mind north of the Potomac, was in a capacity east, because they injured, or destroyed, foreign com- of receiving the truths of political science, and that a merce; but these differences of opinion were the result love for the union would outweigh all the calculations of questions of expediency only. We have referred to of selfish, local, and ambitious interests, and would Messrs. Lowndes and Calhoun as warmly and thorough- lead to such a spirit of conciliation as could not but ly supporting the protecting system in 1816. The lat- eventuate in a settlement of the disputed questions, ter gentleman said that manufactures produced an in- without the further excitement, at the south, of revoluterest strictly American, as much so as agriculture” — tionary feelings. It is, therefore, with reluctance that he was for "affording to ingenuity and industry imme- we now feel ourselves constrained to confess, that our diate and ample PROTECTION." Mr. Calhoun could faith in the potency of argument and reason is beginning then have had no constitutional scruples, else he was to waver. The efforts making at the south and southperjured. On the other hand, Mr. Webster is roughly west, to extricate the country from the trammels of the charged as having been against the tariff of 1824, and of restrictive system, are not supported, at the north, as now supporting its principle. But what of that? Mr. they should be; and, strange as it may appear, there Calhoun, for example, in adopting the expediency of the exists upon the subject, even amongst those who deprotecting system, surely consented to its constitutionulity-the last having sup eme operation on the mind of an right, the instrument remaining unchanged. We have honest man. But Mr. Webster, being against the prac-looked over Mr. Webster's great speech in 1824 against tice in 1824, and for it in 1828, only shews that expe- the tariff-without seeing the germ of an argument about rience, as to the effects of the tariff, had changed his its constitutionality--hence there is no more cause of opinions concerning the expediency of it-time being the just accusation against him than there would be on a friend of truth. Time, however, has not changed the man who advised his friend to delay a journey because it constitution-it remains just as it was-it admits of no "looked likely for rain"--and afterwards urged him to new qualification. That which was inexpedient may be- set out, because there was a clear sky. come expedient, as happens in the daily concerns of every man's life and business; but that which was constitutionally wrong never can become constitutionally | ceedings. *My offensive article was more a following of the lead of the people, than an attempt to direct their pro pend for their support upon foreign commerce, an in-remonial of kindness and patriotism, could not be for difference which almost indicates a bowing of the neck gotten; and we should, in memory of this evening, and to the restrictive system, as the settled policy of the of these rites of hospitality, take each other by the hand country." with higher, and holier ardor of brotherhood. We thank Mr. R. for some of these admissions. Again he says "The redemption of the country from the bonds of the restrictive system will be accomplished, if ever it be, by the sons of agriculture, and it is to that portion of our fellow-citizens to whom we are mainly to look for our rescue." This is very well in Mr. Raguet-but very wrong, very wrong, indeed, in "Mr. Niles." What, shall "Mr. Niles" corrupt the "sons of agriculture!" That would be too bad. But at least an hundred thousand copies of his "politics for farmers" have been printed. Mr. Raguet, too, made "politics for farmers," catching my title-telling as how that, on every cradle costing ten dollars, the farmers paid a tax of three dollars-though many a better man than either of us has been rocked in a "hollow gum. "What became of Mr. R's "politics for farmers" I never saw one full copy of it. I guess it did not suit the "sons of agriculture"-the growers of grain and wool, who understand "a thing or two" about the tariff. (8) The conclusion is after the best manner of the "Mercury." Mr. Pinckney is a mighty man-he thinks no more of dissolving the union and making a nation, than a child does of building up or knocking down his little houses of sand. All things are easy to him—but the people of South Carolina will not "calculate the value of the union," though recommended by as pure blooded a factionist as ever figured at Paris, in the days of terror-who, like the witch in the fable, who had lost her dog, would “disturb all hell," to gain the thing he aims at. SPEECH OF MR. BURGES, The hours of refection were, by the wise men of antiquity, devoted to,both bodily and mental refreshment; the table was spread not more for the purpose of food, than for conversation; and the public places for those purposes were the great schools of mutual instruction for the commonwealth. Our republican institutions are, as we trust, improvements on the models of both ancient and modern governments; but our admiration of them' may not, at all times, equal the wise and patriotic administration of the ancients; and if they deem it important, at the hours of refreshment, to discuss public affairs, and the conduct of public men, it cannot be unwise, or improper in us, to have adopted, in some form or other, this classic custom, established as a part of their free institutions, by the sages and statesmen of antiquity. If you please, then, gentlemen, permit me, for some brief time, to fill up this pause of festivity; and, in exchange for the flow of the goblet, to offer you that of the soul. The great interests of the nation, the government established by the people of these United States for the preservation and advancement of those interests, and the administration of that government, by the public agents, selected and appointed for that purpose, are all' subjects of deep and vital concernment to each one of us, and of the whole nation. What the past was, we all' know; what the present is let us inquire, that we may thereby endeavor to provide for the future. The constitution of our country has recently, from the place where I now have the honor to stand, received such exposition and eulogium, and so perfect and finished, as neither to require nor to admit addition, or improvement. The boldest artist of Greece never attempted to give a At the dinner given him by a large number of the citi- new excellence to the Minerva of Phidias. Consider zens of New York, March 30, 1831. Mr. President und gentlemen: 1 thank you, most cordially I thank you. All I could say would tell you a very small part only of those feel ings given to me by your expressions of kindness and consideration towards me, and my very inefficient efforts in the public service. From my earliest recollection to the present moment, the approbation of my fellow laborers, has enlivened my hopes, cheered my exertions, and been dear to my heart. Whether guiding the plough, or wielding the instruments of mechanic labor, the employments of my earlier life; whether engaged in forensic toils, at the calls of my friends, or in the service of our common country, so dear to us all, that approbation has been among the most engaging motives. I have fallen behind many, in success, but I have endeavored to keep pace with the foremost, in zeal and diligence. When 1 look around on these splendid accompaniments, associated by your kindness with those efforts in the cause of the nation, though I must be more, or less, than human, not to feel gratified, and to attempt some expression of that feeling; yet I cannot be vain enough to arrogate all I see, and bear, to myself merely, who am but the inconsiderable occasion, and not the ultimate object, of all these preparations, these displays of national feeling, these genuine oblations to elevated patriotism. ing the great principles of that constitution, as settled and established, we may securely turn our attention to some of its great provisions, as they have been reduced to practice, under the several administrations of the general government; and inquire how they are sustain ed, by the present rulers of the land! When general Jackson was placed in the presidential chair of the United States, the patriots and statesmen of the country, who had been opposed to his election, did console themselves with the hope, that regard for his own fame might induce him to call to his cabinet, the wisest and best men among those who had been friendly to his advancement to that high station. If directed by the councils of such men, his administration might take a character, not adverse to the great interests and institutions, long fostered and established in the country. How sadly they were disappoined, is well known; nor has the disappointment of many of the most zealous and upright of his friends, been less grievous. His cabinet was so selected and arranged, that the whole power and influence of the president, has been brought under the councils, and into the control of the secretary of state. This man has exerted his managing capacities in such intrigues, as to have either brought every other man in the cabinet, into his schemes, or have excluded them from the confidence of the president. The second If we have been told, men are born to consume the fruit officer of the government has, by the friends of the seof the earth, and there be those who might look on all cretary, as he admits, but by himself, as all men believe, these provisions of the table, and on us as assembled been driven into hostility with the first; while Mr. Van here, with no better purpose than ordinary refection, the Buren, securely sheltered behind the name of gen. Jackmere every day operations of mastication and swallow- son, and the presidential character, like little Teucer be ing, such men may best take their viands by themselves, hind the shield of Ajax Telamon, discharges his arrows each one gnawing his bone, and growling his orisons, if at the naked and magnanimous bosom of his great poli he make any in the solitude of his own den. The table tical adversary. Indeed the president has little concern has, by the customs of all nations, been consecrated to in the administration: so little, that upon the great questhe purest rites of hospitality. Among the most furious tion of re-election to that high office, which, when free warriors, hostilities cease; truce and peace are for the from the control of advisement, he has always declined, time, established, the moment they have taken salt to- his own private secretary, without consulting him, has gether from the same stand. Of all those who dipt their written a letter to a leading member of the Pennsylvabread, at the same table, in the same condiment, sacred nia legislature, assuring him that the president would be story has told us that one only became a traitor. Should highly gratified, if that body would nominate him for rewe with warm hearts and glad faces, who are now met to- election. Who has such an interest in this re-election, gether at this table, this altar of good will and patriotic as Martin Van Buren; and what private secretary, of feeling, ever meet again, no matter in what land, or un- what other president of the United States, would, with der what auspices, adverse or prosperous, this high ce-out consulting him, have dared to write such a letter? our revolutionary struggle, up to the close of the last administration, Great Britain has claimed, and exercised the right of regulating all trade with her West India colonies, by the orders of the king in council. During all that time, the United States, both under the confederation, and under the present government, have demanded as a matter of right, due to national comity, that this trade, between these colonies and the United States, should be regulated by treaty, and permanently settled between the two nations. Has this point been yielded by Great Britain? Has a treaty been made? No; but the secretary of state has for us, yielded the right to demand it. The trade is regulated now just as Great Britain has always regulated it, by her own laws; and we have agreed to receive as a boon, what is in reBritish West India colonies consumed quite as great a quantity of the products of our country as they can have done since. The commerce was as great though not direct; the navigation was exclusively ours; and if the indirect transportation was more costly, it was because it gave more employment to our own tonnage, and being paid by those colonies, was a real benefit to our navigation. For much of the proceeds of our exports were received in specie, and employed to purchase eargoes in New Orleans; and the trade was thus by its indirectness not made onerous to us as it was to them. I am in truth detaining you without necessity; for "you all do know" this man; his wily genius, his crooked counsels, his Machiavelian principles. These principles heretofore planted and forced into growth, in the political hot beds at Albany, have been, by him, transplanted into the open exposure at Washington, and are now flourishing in the invigorating sunshine of the presidential palace. is the nation likely to receive healing from their leaves? Let us inquire. First of all, how has the secretary managed our foreign relations; and to what good purpose, either of economy, interest, or national honor? Nearly all our foreign ministers in Europe have been recalled; but if they have been replaced by better, much better men, and our interests thereby advanced to an amount,-equal to the enormous cost of these removals and appoint-ality a favor granted to her. Before this concession, the ments the people may have no cause of complaint. It is said that France has appointed commissioners to ascertain the amount of spoliations on American commerce and navigation, committed by her cruisers, during the revolutionary government. This, so far as it indicates a spirit of remuneration, is well; but it can lead to nothing which has not long been known as a matter of record, both to the government of France, and in the department of state at Washington. These spoliations were done by order of Napoleon, and by his corsairs, on the high seas and in the sight of all nations. The ocean blazed with the conflagation of our ships. That military What then have we gained by the restoration of this despot commanded these atrocities to be perpetrated, trade? Our vessels can carry nothing to the West Inthat he might compel us to unite with him, in his cru- dia colonies under this restoration, which cannot be carsade, against the nations of the earth. Ever since the ried thither in British vessels; but in the indirect trade final abdication of this man, the people of France have much reached those colonies, transported, nearly to been desirous of doing us justice; but they contend that them, by our own vessels, which cannot be admitted they have an unadjusted claim against us, under the into them now even in British vessels. The restored Louisiana treaty of cession. Under that treaty, a right of commerce is, therefore, so much less than the comentry, into all the ports of that state, was forever secur- merce, given up in exchange for it. How does it affect ed to them, on the terms of the most favored nation. our navigation? Commercial men have told me, that This right, as they hold, was by them purchased, and a already one third of the transportation of our own provaluable consideration paid for it, in the cession of that ductions is done by British tonnage. This was to be territory; and, accordingly, when that territory became expected. For British vessels, freighted from Liverpool a state in our union, if other nations purchased a right of to New York, being compelled to go to the West Inentry into those ports, by granting a reciprocal right of dies for a freight home, will take cargoes of American entry into their ports, to American ships, France was produce on freight to those countries at a cheaper rate under no obligation to grant such a reciprocity, for such than our vessels can afford to do it. If this does not a right of entry; because she had already purchased it secure the whole transportation to British tonnage, the by the cession, and had it secured to her by treaty. Our other parts of the arrangement certainly will effect this. government has always contended against this construc- It was agreed, that the British government should, whention, and denied this right to France; and, in a corres-ever they might choose to do so, lay an impost duty on pondence between Mr. Adams, when secretary of state, all products of our country, when imported directly from and the French minister, then near the United States, the United States, into these West India colonies; and, the French construction of that treaty was ably contest- at the same tine, exempt the same products from such ed, and the American construction as ably supported. impost, if imported from her colonies on this continent. It still remains unsettled, and, until adjusted, or waived So soon as this impost shall have been laid on the proby France, all commissioners, appointed by either, or ducts of the United States, they cannot reach the West both governments, can make no final progress in settling India colonies in American vessels; because the duty the claims of American merchants on the French go-will compel them to be transported thither, from the vernment. What time will ever come more propitious colonies on the continent. We may chance to carry a than that which has for the last six months been passing, part of them, in competition with the British, to these for our government to institute an able and efficient colonies, but our vessels cannot carry freights, thence, mission to meet plenipotentiaries on the part of France, to the West India colonies. Transportation between for the settlement of this great national question, and for colony and colony, is a part of her coasting trade, which the removal of this only obstacle between American Great Britain will no sooner relinquish, than we shall merchants, and their long delayed rights of remunera- relinquish to foreigners, our coasting trade between one tion? Never will the French people, hereafter, be more state and another. anxious to conciliate those of the United States; and In this arrangement for this restoration of the West never will Lafayette, the brother in arms of Washing- India trade, the agreement on the part of Great Britain, ton, the illustrious friend of the American people, have not to impose any other, or higher duty on our proa higher or more controlling influence in the councils of ducts, when imported into the West India colonies, in France. Like all the surviving worthies of our revolu- American, than if imported in British vessels, did not tion, he is standing on the verge of life: he and they are extend, as they understood it, to their colonies on this not yet immortal, and they must soon pass from this continent. They will, accordingly, place an impost world of dust and shadows, to that of realities and im-duty on all such produce, imported into those colonies, perishable glories. Why has not this auspicious time been seized? Why has it been suffered to pass without exertion, and probably without attention, on the part of our government? No former administration ever had in hand such a golden opportunity. We have no intimation from the men in power that any effort has been made, or intended, to improve it. Have our relations with England been made more prosperous by the exchange of ministry at the court of that country? It is said triumphantly that the West India trade has been recovered. Ever since the close of in our vessels; and thereby transfer all our commerce, with all these colonies, whether island or continental, from our navigation, which had the whole transportation of it under the indirect trade, to British navigation, which will have the whole under this triumphant restoration. This is exactly what the British politicians have claim. ed, as a matter of right, ever since the first moment of our independence; and it is what all patriots of the Unit ed States, since the revolution, have refused to yield, until Mr. Van Buren, in a manner "the most frank and friendly" to Great Britan, did, by the agency of Mr. Louis McLane, request and receive the privilege of sur- appropriating $18,000 for the benefit of Mr. Randolph, renderg up this right of transporting our own pro-and in payment for his diplomatic services, the friend of ducts in our own vessels, to the British government, that gentleman, in Virginia, had, in the public papers, for the use and encouragement of British tonnage. It and by his direction, announced him as a candidate for is, therefore, manifest, that although, when the West election to the next congress. "He should, (as it was India trade was lost, as it has been often alledged by the stated), be detained abroad until after the election." Delate administration, we had and enjoyed both the com-tained for what cause? The election takes place usually merce and the navigation; yet now, when it has, under in April; but Mr. R's diplomatic year would not termithe auspices of Mr. Van Buren, been restored, we may nate till June. He must tarry out of the country, until hold some part of the commerce, but we must lose the he has earned, by a full year's exile, his full year's whole navigation. No matter if it destroy the mercan- salary. His quarterly allowance for returning would tile rights of the people, it subserved the purposes of be earned by coming home; and this he directed his the secretary. The report of this great restoration, friends to promise that he would do, before the next reached this country on the eve of important elections; session of congress. How could the secretary advise the and, that it might seasonably arrive at the most distant president to approve that appropriation, when it was so point of operation, was at the noon of Sunday, and the manifest, that this minister was prolonging his absence, bour of intermitted devotion, officially announced from not to settle national controversies, or to win diplomatic the cabinent at Washington. The long shadow of this victories, but, like a good general, to achieve a successglory of our diplomacy reached Maine, and effected that ful retreat, and effectually secure his baggage and plunobject; but Maryland was too near the scene of this der! plot, to be deceived, and therefore, she nobly performed her duty to the nation. Attempts were made during the last year, to extend our relations to another European power. A treaty of We should have less cause of mortification, had our some sort was made with the imperial Turk of Constanright been surrendered with a spirit, less subservient to tinople. For this purpose, commissioners were appointEngland, and in a manner, not quite so prostrate. Mo-ed, which, although the president might appoint in the ney might have been sacrificed and the thing forgotten, recess, yet be cause this appointment was not ratified by but that the upright republican spirit of America, which the advice and consent of the senate, in session for many like William Perm, has ever stood with covered head months before the conclusion of this commission, the before the English throne, should, by such men, be whole proceeding was clearly extra official; and was not taught to truckle, and fawn at the foot of royalty, is not only so considered by the two able and distinguished among the minor grievances of the times; and cannot senators from Virginia, but was by them pronounced to pass away like the summer cloud without the special be an invasion of the rights of the senate and a flagrant observance" of the American people. Nor is the sur-violation of the constitution. The ostensible object of render of our rights rendered more tolerable by another this negotiation was to open to American navigation and element united with the servile spirit, wherewithal it commerce, the trade of the Black Sea. This the Ruswas made. In all our most ardent contests, for princi-sians contend, that they have already effected for all ples, or for power, heretofore had in the nation, a noble nations, by the treaty of Adrianople. They had, sword dignity in our foreign ministers of either side, has learn-in hand, opened to themselves a passage through all the ed them to hold our party controversies, like those defences both of nature and art; and descended and among brothers, sacred and as family secrets; and they spread themselves out on that plain, where, in former scorned, by mingling them with our diplomacy, to be-times, the Greek and the Hun contended for empire. tray and divulge them to the vulgar eye of foreigu nations. What has the secretary of state been pleased to do? He has instructed our minister, at the English court, to claim the high consideration of that government to the present, by gossipping a full disclosure of its irreconcilable hostility of the past administration.How inust the haughty statesman of England have regarded this reform in American diplomacy; or that secretary of state, under whose dignified administration it was made? Our only hope is from the healing power of time. The wound, which to-day all may ste in the trunk of the oak, will by two summers growth become cicatrized, and be seen no more. Here, other powers interposed, or the Turks had been driven once more beyond the Bosphorus. It was believed, that if the czar of Russia reached, and ascended the throne of Constantinople, the balance of Europe might tremble, and the beam itself lose its level. The emperor of Russia terminated the war by treaty with the grand seiguior, secured among other things, a free passage through the Bosphorus, to all nations in amity with both the high contracting parties. Christian natious hold all to be in amity, who are not in a state of declared hostility; but the Turk regards all Christian nations as enemies, which have not, by treaty with him, obtained the relations of amity. Our treaty with the Have our relations with Russia, been conducted in any sublime porte was formed, on our respectful submission manner, more profitable and dignified? You have seen to the moslem construction of the treaty of Adrianople; how the hon. Mr. McLane has restored the West In- and intended to bring us within the provisions of it. dia trade by his diplomacy at the court of England, but This treaty was in part ratified, and in part rejected by may God grant, that the American people may never the senate; and thereupon the secretary of state sent a see, how the hon. Mr. Randolph sustained our national requisition to the house of congress, requiring an apcharacter, at the Russian court! The debate in the propriation for the purpose of a most splendid plenipohouse of representatives of the United States, on the mis- tentiary mission to the Turkish court, accompanied by sion of this gentleman, was printed, and may have come all the oriental train of barbaric pomp; and carrying in under your eye. If so, that, and the pithy remarks just hand filty thousand dollars as a present to the grand delivered by the hon. gentleman in the chair, must have seignior, either to purchase our relations of amity with put you quite fully in possession of the character of that the Turk, or to pay for the fine Arabian stud presented distinguished mission. If you please, gentlemen, I will by him to the great man of the new world, and which, just state two collateral facts, which improve the color, as I learn, is at keeping in this city. It was thus manag but do not change the feature of their character. Al-ed, that this modern argonautic expedition was to be though, at the time of that debate, it was unknown to fitted out, not like that of the ancients, to bring home me, and to those associated with me in the discussion, from the shores of the stormy Euxine, but carry out yet was it officially known at the department of state, to those regions the golden fleece. For some small that Mr. Randolph had, when he left St. Petersburg, quantity of trade, more or less, the republicans of the taken his passports with him, and thereby, according to United States, the disciples of the cross, must be made all the forms of diplomacy, entirely relinquished bis to bow to those of the crescent; and our "mountain ministerial character at the imperial court of Russia. nymph, sweet liberty," compelled to turn her pure With a knowledge of this fact, what man on earth, other and vestal eye on the gorgeous saloons, and voluptuous than Mr. Van Buren, could have placed in the presi- harems of a military despotism. We were, in some dedential message to congress, the "hope that this gentle-gree, preserved from the dishonor of this new, and man would by any improvement of his health, again re- splendid project of state patronage, by a distinguished pair to St. Petersburg, and resume the discharge of his senator from Massachusetts, who succeeded in reducing official duties?" The other fact of which I would re-the lofty dimensions of the plenipotentiary mission, mind you is, that before the president approved the act, I down to a charge d'affaires. Could he have brought |