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V. B. will embark on the 1st of June, in company with or not so-it may be well to observe, that it is stated by Mr. Vaughan."

Concerning the late dissolution of the cabinet, the Pendelton (S. C.) Messenger, a paper friendly to the administration heretofore, makes the following short and sharp remarks:

"The resignation of the members of the cabinet is an extraordinary event in the annals of our country. As the most important intelligence of the day, we have made room for the correspondence which took place, to enable our readers, if possible, to comprehend the canses of the occurrence. We acknowledge our own inability to understand the explanations of Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Eaton. These letters have succeeded in mystifying the matter very considerably."

MR. RANDOLPHI.

We have not published any of the particulars of the strange conduct said to have been exhibited by Mr. Randolph during his few days sojourn at St. Petersburgh-but feel it due to him as a high public functionary, to give the following certificate in his behalf from the young gentleman who accompanied him as secretary of legation.

To the editors of the Richmond Enquirer. Gentlemen:-Having seen in your paper of the 9th November, 1830, an epitome of a publication in the N. York Journal of Commerce, and the New York Commercial, relative to Mr. John Randolph, of Roanoke, envoy extraordinary of the United States of America to Russia, and seeing with indignation, that the accounts of that gentleman's deportment at St. Petersburgh, as published in those papers, are utterly devoid of truth, I deem it to be my duty to contradict them, in the most positive manner.

these lovers of veracity, that, "Mr. R. took an upper
chamber at Mrs. Wilson's;" whereas the fact is, that both
Mr. Randolph and myself occupied lower rooms in this
good lady's house. This last, although rather a minute
circumstance to notice, serves to show that the corres
pondent of the New York editors imagined he lived at
Mrs. Wilson's, and imagined the whole tissue of slander
and abuse. I am, gentlemen, your most obedient ser-
vant,
JOHN R. CLAY.

Secretary of legation and charge d'affaires of the U.
States at St. Petersburgh.

St. Petersburgh, January 17th, 1831.

MR. RANDOLPH'S SPEECHES. Certain late references to this gentleman has induced us to examine our files a little-and present the two following extracts from his speeches in the late Virgi nia convention, in verification of some things that we have said of him.

EXTRACTS.

"Sir, I see no wisdom in making this provision for future changes. You must give government time to operate on the people, and give the people time to become gradually assimilated to their institutions. Almost any thing is better than this state of perpetual uncertainty. A people may have the best form of government that the wit of man ever devised; and yet from its uncertainty alone, may, in effect, live under the worst government in the world. Sir, how often must I repeat that change is not reform. I am willing that this new constitution shall stand as long as it is possible for it to stand, and that, believe me, is a very short time. Sir, it is vain to deny it.-They may say what they please about the old constitution-the defect is not there. It is not in the form of the old edifice, neither in the design nor the elevation: it is in the material-it is in the people of Va. To my knowledge that people are changed from what they have been.--The 400 men who went out to David were in debt. The partizans of Cæsar were in debt. The fellow laborers of Cataline were in debt. And I defy you to shew me a desperately indebted people any where, who can hear a regular sober government. I

Mr. Randolph's conduct, on all occasions, was that which became himself and his office-such it was and will always be, to persons who are worthy of his notice. The gross slanders contained in the paragraphs alluded to above, are so preposterous that they can scarcely impose on the most credulous;-but as the writer of them may have had his own purposes in view, it may be well to disappoint him, by a flat contradiction of his state-throw the challenge to all who hear me. ments. But, to be more particular:

It is said, that Mr. Randolph conducted himself in a most ridiculous manner, before the emperor. This is false; and the best proof of its being untrue is, that his imperial majesty has expressed the greatest estcem for him; which would certainly not be the case, if any thing outre had happened at the presentation. As for the other acts said to have been done-such as tearing the cards of the foreign ministers to pieces, &c. &c. -the idea of endeavoring to impose on the public with such trash, is so shallow, and, at the same time so base, that folly itself would laugh at it.

Then, say these inventive editors, Mr. Randolph refused, at first, to receive a note from prince Lieven, the principal minister of state. This I know to be false also; and moreover state that there was the most cordial, I may say friendly, intercourse between the minister and the American envoy-so much so, that when I went to ask for Mr. Randolph's passports, and to explain the urgent necessity of his leaving St. Peterburgh, on account of the very dangerous state of his health, prince Lieven expressed the utmost concern, on hearing the news, and immediately proposed to see Mr. Randolph, which was only prevented by a mistake of mine, in giving him the wrong number of the house.

All the other charges are as much founded in truth, as those which I have noticed particularly.

I say that the character of the good old Virginia planter-the man who owned from five to twenty slaves or less, who lived by hard work, and who paid his debts, is passed away. A new order of things is come. The period has arrived of living by one's witsof living by contracting debts that one cannot payand above all, of living by office hunting. Sir, what do we see? Bankrupts-branded bankrupts-giving great dinners-sending their children to the most expensive schools-giving grand parties-and just as well received as any body in society. I say, that in such a state of things the old constitution was too good for them; they could not bear it. No, sir-they could not bear a freehold suffrage and a property representation. I have always endeavored to do the people justice-but I will not flatter them-I will not pander to their appetite for change. I will do nothing to provide for change. I will not agree to any rule of future appointment, or to any provision for future changes called amendments to the constitution. They who love change-who delight in public confusion-who wish to feed the cauldron and make it bubble-may vote if they please for future changes.

"At that time, sir, the commonwealth of Virginia was throughout a slave holding commonwealth: (WOULD TO GOD SHE WERE SO NOW.) And is it, then, so wonderful that slaves should have been a subject of taxation? Yes, It is thus, that the wicked traduce the characters of sir: Virginia was then not only throughout, a slave holdthe just: and it is thus, that envy, conscious of its owning, but a tobacco planting commonwealth. You can't demerits, endeavors to assassinate the reputation of the open the statute book,-I mean one of the old statute exalted and worthy. Conscious of the badness of their books, not those that have been defaced by the finger of cause and still anxious to set rolling a ball, that will reform,-and not see that tobacco was, in fact, the curWe paid our attract the notice of a gossip for a moment, the busy-rency, as well as staple of the state. bodies of our nation invent the grossest calumnies, and to effect their designs, they always lay hold of the most conspicuous and generous men.

clerk's fees in tobacco: verdicts were given in tobacco; and bonds were executed payable in tobacco. That accounts for it all. While a large portion of the state has This is no defence of Mr. Randolph's conduct-for, ceased to be a slave holding, and a still larger portion it defends itself. To conclude-and as small events go has ceased to be a tobacco planting community, the burfar in eircumstantial evidence, to prove that facts are trueden has rested on the necks of a comparatively small,

unhappy, and I will say it, a proscribed caste in the com-imposed upon us, do what a few years ago, 1 should munity." have thought parricidal. I would withdraw from your "Sir, when I speak of danger-from what quarter jurisdiction. I would not live under king numbers. I does it come; from whom? From the corn and oat-would not be his steward; nor make him my task masgrowers on the Eastern Shore, the Rappahannoc and ter. I would obey the principle of self-preservation, a the Pamunkey? From the fishermen on the Chesa- principle we find even in the brute creation, in flying peake? The pilots of Elizabeth City? No sir, from from this mischief."

ourselves. from the great slave-holding and tobaccoplanting districts of the state, I could not have brought myself to believe it-nothing could have persuaded me that the real danger which threatens this great interest, should spring from those districts themselves."

"Mr. Chairman, since I have been here, the scene has recalled many old recollections. At one time I thought myself in the house of representatives, listening to the debate on the tariff; at another time, I imagined myself listening to the debate on the Missouri question; and sometimes I fancied myself listening to both questions debated at once. Are we men met to consult about the affairs of men? or are we, in truth, a Robinhood society, discussing rights in the abstract? Have we no house over our heads? Do we forget that we are living under a constitution which has shielded us for more than half a century; that we are not a parcel of naked and forlorn savages, on the shores of New Holland; and that the worst that can come is, that we shall live under the same constitution that we have lived under, freely and happily for half a century? To their monstrous claims of power, we plead this prescription; but then we are told, that nullum tempus occurrit Regiking whom?-KING NUMBERS."*

It may be well here to add some extracts from the reply of Mr. Alexander Campbell to Mr. Randolph. Extracts from Mr. Campbell's speech. "But I am told that universal suffrage, (1 am no advocate for universal suffrage), or more correctly, general suffrage, was the invention of the age of lord proctor Cromwell-that it sprung up for the first time during the commonwealth of England. It is called novel doctrine.-Were it so, that would not prove it false. Steam boats are a novel invention, and many other useful arts are comparatively novelties. The new race of men which modern science has created and made, is a new invention. I mean the wooden, brazen and iron men, which neither eat, drink, sleep, nor get tired; which are adults, without being infants, full grown men as soon as born.-These new Iuen, these novelties, are likely to be a very useful race, for when inspired by steam, they are as rational as our black population.England has two hundred millions of them, and these United States have more than ten millions of them. They are all revolutionists, and will as certainly revolutionise the world as ever did the art of printing, or any conquering invader. They are all novel too. No pro"If the naked principle of numbers only is to be fol-phetic eye, nor prophetic pen, can describe their prolowed, the requisites for the statesman fall far below gress, or foretel their destiny.-Ail novelties are not what the gentleman from Spottsylvania rated them at. fictitious.-But sir, notwithstanding the general historie He needs not the four rules of arithmetic. No sir, a ne- accuracy of gentlemen on the other side, they have misgro boy with a knife and tally-stick, is a statesman com- taken the date of the origin of general suffrage. It is plete in this school." more ancient than the British, the Roman, the Grecian, or the Persian governments. It is now 3,329 years old. I have heard gentlemen quote the Mosaic history on this floor. It will be no sin, I hope for me to quote the same authority.-Now sir, if gentlemen will look into the Exodus of Israel, they will find that the Virginia constitution was not the first written constitution, nor the general sutirage the invention of Oliver Cromwell. Cromwell, sir, was a prodigious genius, but this he did not invent. When Israel became a cotamonwealth, and, sir, they were a commonwealth, and were so denomi nated 2,000 years ago by a very high authority. I say when Israel became a commonwealth, they received a constitution from him who led them through the red

"Yet, let me say with the gentleman from Accomac, (Mr. Joynes) whose irresistible array of figures set all figures of speech at defiance, that if there were not a negro in Virginia, I would still contend for the principle in the amendment. And why? Because I will put it in the power of no man or set of men who ever lived, or who ever shall live, to tax me without my consent. It is wholly immaterial whether this is done without my having any representative at all, or, as it was done in the case of the tariff law, by a phalanx stern and inexorable, who being the majority, and having the power, prescribe to me the law that I shall obey."

"It is the first time in my life, that I ever heard of a government, which was to divorce property from pow-sea. Israel in the wilderness amounted to 600,000 fighter. Yet, this is seriously and soberly proposed to ussir, I know it is practicable, but it can be done only by a violent divulsion, as in France-but the moment you have separated the two, that very moment property will go in search of power, and power in search of property. "Male and female created He them," and the two sexes do not more certainly, nor by a more unerring law, gravitate to each other, than power and property; you can only cause them to change hands."

"Yes, sir, to this constitution we owe all that we have preserved; (much I know is lost and of great value), but all that we have saved from the wreck of our political fortunes. This is the mother which has reared all our great men. Well may she be called magna mater virum. She has indeed, produced men and mighty men."

"For my share, this is the first convention in which I ever had a seat, and I trust in God it will be the last. I never had any taste for conventions; or for new constitutions made per order, or kept ready made, to suit casual customers."

"Yet, as the gentleman from Spottsylvania says, I am no candidate for martyrdom. I am too old a man to remove: my associations, my habits, and my property, nail me to the commonwealth. But were I a young man, I would, in case this monstrous tyranny shall be

*Vide, "Dictionary of Quotations," a book that seems to be always on Mr. Randolph's table, and we learn by it that the literal translation is "no time impedes the king," that is, the rights of a sovereign are indefcasible by any lapse of time.

ing men. The God of Israel first proposed a social compact. It was called in Hebrew Berith, in Greck Diatheke, in Latin Constitutio, in Scotch Covenant, after the manner of the solemn league and covenant; It is precisely equal to our English word constitution. This was written, and it is the oldest written document upon earth. After it was written, it was submitted to every man upon the muster roll of Israel. Their vote was required, and they voted for it as their national compact., So old, sir, and so venerable is the origin of general suffrage.

"I was sorry to hear, the other day, the eloquent gentleman from Charlotte, (Mr. Randolph), protest against his majesty king numbers, and declare his readi ness to revolt from his government, and to migrate from his dominions. King numbers, Mr. Chairman, is the legitimate sovereign of all this country. Gen Jackson, the president of these United States, is only the representative, the lawful representative of king numbers. And, whither sir, can that gentleman fly from the govern ment of this king? In the north, in the south, in the east, and in the west, he can find no other monarch. Except he cross the ocean, he can put himself under no other king. And whenever he may please to expatriate himself, he will find beyond the dominion of king numbers, there is no other monarch save king blood, king cy pler, king sword, or king purse. And, sir, permit me to add, there is none of those so august as our king. I love king numbers, I wish to live, and I hope to die under the government of this majestic personage. He is, sir, a wise, benevolent, patriotic and powerful prince-the most dignified personage under the canopy of heaven."

salis state of despotism; and to that state have the measures of this government long tended, amidst professions, such as we have heard in France and seen the effects of, of liberty, equality invincibility. None but the people can forge their own chains; and to flatter the people and delude them by promises never meant to be performed, is the stale but successful practice ct the demagogue, as of the seducer in private life."

"But, sir, one gentleman, (Mr. Randolph), referred stitutions there is no transition but to military despotism, us to the great men, which the present system in Vir-and that there is none more easy. Anarchy is the chry ginia bad produced. We doubt it not sir. I have lived in a country in which there were many great men: very learned and very powerful. But how were they created, sir? For one noble lord, there were ten thousand ignoble paupers, and for one great scholar there were ten thousand ignoramuses. That is the secret sir. Inever wish to see this mode of making great men introduced into this commonwealth. I trust, sir, we will rather strive to make many middling men, than a few great or noble men. When we adopt the English mode of making great men, we will soon adopt the English mode of speaking to them. I have heard of but one "noble friend" in this committee, as yet; but sir, it is a contagious spirit. There are many sorts of great men. It is not necessary to create them in advance of the demands of society. Peculiar crisis call them into being. This sort of great men, has always been the creature of circumstances. One of them was found on Mount Horeb, another on the way to Damascus-one at Mount Vernon, and another was found in the county of Hanover, with a fishing rod in his hand. The Island of Corsica, produced one when he was wanted.-There is no occasion to devise any plan for creating this sort of great men. But sir, under ater, no doubt, some "southern nabob,"-some "haughty proper system of government, we should be able to multiply other sorts of great men a hundred fold, and we should not fail to derive benefits of every sort, intellectual, moral, and political, incomparably surpassing any sacrifice we should be obliged to make in commencing such a system.

"Give me an arm," says the wily politician. It is only to fight the English to maintain "free trade and sailors rights"-and dazzeld by the "pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war," heedless of the miseries that lurk beneath its splendor, the people have said Amen! Of these the heavy debt and grinding taxes that follow in its train are, perhaps, the least. Disease and vice, in new unheard-of forms, spread from the camp throughout society. Not a village, not a neighborhood, hardly a family escapes the infection. The searching miseries of war, penetrate even into the hovel of the shivering negro, whose tattered blankets and short allowance of salt bear witness to the glories of that administration, under which his master is content to live. His masgrandee of Virginia," the very idea of whose existence disturbs the very repose of our tender consciences, is revelling in luxury, which the necessary wants of his bondsmen are stinted to supply. Such is the stuff that wretced dreams are made of! The master consumed by cares from which even the miserable African is free, accustomed to the decent comforts of life, is racking his brain Extracts from a speech of Mr. Randolph delivered in for ways and means to satisfy the demand of the tax congress two or three years ago, as quoted by Mr. Bur-gatherer. You see the struggle between his pride and ges, in his speech on the Russian mission: his necessity. That ancient relic of better times, on Sir, what can the country do for me? As for pow-which he bends his vacant eye, must go. It is itself the er, what can it have for one like me? If power had object of a new tax. He can no longer afford to keep been my object, I must have been less sagacious than it. Moreover he must find a substitute for his youngest my worst enemies have represented me to be, if I had boy, called into service. His eldest son has perished not obtained it. What, in the tentless camp, the bloodless but fatal fields of the sir, to drudge in your laboratories in the departments, fenny country-and even for the cherished semblance of or be at the tail of your corps diplomotic in Europe? this favorite child, he must pay tribute to Cæsar. The (Exiled to Siberia.) Alas! sir, in my condition, a cup tear that starts into his eye, as he adds this item to the of cold water would be more acceptable. What can the inventory of exaction, would serve but to excite a phicountry give me that I do not possess in the confidence losophic smile in the "grimm idol" of the levee and its of such constituents as no man ever had before? I can heartless worshippers. Such is the condition of the better retire to my old patrimonial trees, where I may see the and more enviable classes of society. There is more than sun rise and set in peace. I shall retire one beneath it-a husband, the sole support of a wife and upon my resources-I will go back to the bosom of my helpless children, a son, the only stay and comfort of a constituents. And shall I give up widowed mother. You have the outline-fill up the them and this? And for what? For the heartless picture-for you can do it with a master's hand.-We amusement and vapid pleasures and tarnished honors of shall then see the patch work of the cradle and the this abode of splendid misery, of shabby splendor? for a party colored rugs of squalid poverty, fluttering amidst clerkship in the war office, or a FOREIGN MISSION, the ensigns and standard's which some cadet for military to dance attendance ABROAD instead of AT HOME-or promotion lays at the feet of our president's lady, on his even for a department itself? Sir, thirty years make knees," sad changes in man. I feel that I hang to existence by a single hair-that the sword of Damocles is suspended over me."

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The course of measures, to which during seven years I had opposed myself in congress, drew in the session of 1811-12, to that catastrophe, which I felt it my duty to arrest by the best efforts of my understanding. In the exercise of this high constitutional duty-at once a Extracts from John Randolph's letter to his constituents, duty and a right-I was arbitrarily silenced on the floor dated "York Buildings, Jan. 7, 1815." of an assembly calling itself deliberative, abusing the "Nine years have now elapsed since he raised his once venerated name of an American congress-Then voice against the commencement of a system of mea- was the time as I thought, and still do think, for the sures, which, although artfully disguised, were calculat-members of the opposition to have quitted their seats, ed, as he believed, to produce what we have all seen and to have abandoned an infuriated conclave to the misand fated long to feel. Had they who derided what rule of their own mad passions, instead of lending by they were then pleased to term his “mournful vaticina- their presence the countenance of deliberation to an astions, the reveries of a heated and disordered imagina-sembly, that had ceased to be deliberative! Gentlemen, tion," confided less in their own air built theories and whose opinions I hold in the utmost deference thought taking warning ere it was too late, they might be riding otherwise. To resign my commission into the hands of on "the full tide of successful experiment," instead of those from whom I had received it, was the next step clinging with instinctive and convulsive grasp to the that occurred to me. But I immediately perceived that wreck, which themselves have made of public credit, this act of political suicide would at once gratify my opof national honor, of peace, happiness and security, and pressors and injure my constituents, who would be thereof faith among men. The very bonds, not only of union by deprived of a vote on the great question of war, which between these states, but of society itself are loosen- was soon to come before congress. My part was taken ed, and we seem approaching towards that awful disso-to remain at my post and calmly await the consequenlution, the issue of which it is not given to human for- ces." sight to scan. In the virtue, the moderation, the forti- "To my constituents I made my appeal. The war tude of the people is, (under God), our last resource. was declared--the election supervened, and they disa Let them ever bear in mind, that from their present in- I vowed me.

The editor of the "Richmond Patriot," the paper in which the address appeared, in publishing it, said"There was a time when we admired him-but for his want of charity to others, we should now pity him, so much is he "crazed with care" and disappointment." Extract of a letter from WILSON J. CARY esq. dated Fluvanna, Dec. 14, 1814, and published in the Richmond Enquirer, March 1815.

be thought of until much longer and greater sufferings. If every infraction of a compact of so many parties is to be resisted at once as a dissolution of it, none can ever be formed which would last one year. We must have patience, then, with our brethren, while under delusion. Give them time for reflection and experience of conse quences; keep ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter of accidents; and separate from our companions only when the sole alternatives left are the dissolution of our union with them, or submission to a government without limitation of powers."

"We were speaking generally of political concerns, and I adverted to the conduct of the British in their attack upon capt. Porter upon a neutral coast, and condemned it in strong terms, Mr. Randolph justified it by remarking that our government had not respected the neutrality of Spain in regard to the occupation of West Florida. Amongst other observations I recollect he asked, suppose they had met upon the coast of Kamptschatka, would you have them respect the neutrality of that coast? I made some observations to shew the difference between the case put, and the affair as it actually occurred, but not necessary to be repeated. The conversa-all hopes of an amicable adjustment of the question will tion then turned on the capture of Washington-I reprobated the destruction of the public buildings-and to my great astonishment, Mr. R. justified it—I cannot remember the precise language he used, but certainly it went to the point of justifying the conduct of the enemy in that transaction."

We are aware that this wholesome advice of Mr. Jefferson was given so long ago as the 26th December, 1825, about six months before his death, and that many persons believe that the crisis designated by him has already arrived. A majority of the southern people, however, does not so believe. They will wait yet longer: but, according to the indications we have seen, we are of opinion, that, should the next session of congress close without a material modification of the restrictive policy, be abandoned. There has been no time, since the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, we think, at which, in the southern states, the doctrine of "principles first--men next," has more extensively prevailed; and, should the Jackson party in congress, representing the middle and western states, yield nothing of their devotion to the American System, in accommodation to the state rights party of the south, which almost to a man supports the present administration, we should not be surprised to see a withdrawal from the electoral field, in 1852, of a great portion of that party, upon the ground that professed political friends were as hostile to their interests as political foes.

THE SOUTHERN GOLD MINES.

The following paragraphs are extracted from an account of a tour in North Carolina, addressed to the editors of the New York Observer," and are very interesting.

ANTI-TARIFF PROSPECTS. From the Banner of the Constitution. The readers of this paper will have observed, of late, a wavering of our faith in the potency of argument, as an efficient means of rescuing the country from the fate that awaits her in the event of the American System's being fastened upon us as the settled policy of the country. So long as we felt a strong confidence in the issue of the struggle, we spoke in language calculated to cheer the drooping spirits of our southern friends-and as soon as we began to doubt, we felt ourselves bound to say so. The truth is, that the questions of the tariff, and of internal improvements, which are sheer ques- This state is rich in gold mines, as you are aware. tions of political science and constitutional law, have now The gold region is far more extensive in the south, than been so interwoven into the party politics of the day, most suppose. It commences in Virginia, and extends that it would seem to be altogether vain to expect a south-west through North Carolina, nearly in the middle decision upon them on any other than party grounds. of the state as regards its length; along the northern The late dinners given in this commercial city, to Mr. part of South Carolina, into Georgia, and thence northWebster, the leader of the American System party in westwardly into Alabama, and ends in Tennessee. The the senate, and to Mr. Burges, the leader of the same mines in North Carolina and Georgia, are now worked party in the house of representatives, have fully con- to a great extent; those of Virginia and South Carolina vinced us that a great portion of the merchants of New to a small extent; and those in Tennessee have not been York, are prepared to sacrifice all their predilections worked at all, although it is probable that they will be and convictions in favor of free trade upon the altar of soon. In this state, the counties of Burke and Rutherparty. We have too much reason to fear the same result ford contain the best gold washings, as they are called, at Boston. A friend in a late letter says "Here the-that is, the gold there is found in small and pure parwhole free trade party are going over to Clay, and are ticles mixed with the sand, which lies in deposites, as if well rewarded, by dividends of ten, twenty and thirty per it occupied (as the miners believe) the beds of what were centum. More than five millions of dollars are now in- once streams of water, creeks, rivers, &c. The gold is vested in new factories, within sixty miles of Boston, and there obtained by washing away the sand, and it is a simtwenty millions more will follow the next two years.ple process. But the counties of Mecklinburg, Rowan, Some of the stock is twenty-five to thirty, and one cor-Davidson and Cabarras are the richest in what may be poration fifty-five per centum premium per annum." properly called gold mines,—that is, where the gold is Now, if the party adverse to Mr. Clay were in de- found in ore, and not distinguishable by the eye, and cided opposition to the American System, there would which is separated by smelting, using quicksilver for the be ground for indulging the strongest hopes. This, purpose of detaching the gold from the gross earthy subhowever, unfortunately is not the case. In some states stances. This is done by first pounding the ore, (what the Jackson party is as clamourous in favor of the tariff the miners call stamping it), then grinding it, mixed and internal improvements, as their opponents, and there with the quicksilver, to a fine powder, (like flour), and is not, it appears to us, the slightest chance, under pre-afterwards distilling the whole in an alembic, which sesent appearances, of there being a majority in congress, parates the quicksilver from the gold. This part of the at the next session, hostile to "the system," although business is simple and easy. But to become an expert there may possibly be a majority opposed to some of its and skilful miner, to detect gold in the ore with cer measures. What then, is to be done? Shall we give tainty, and to know how to conduct, if I may say so, the up the ship, and strike our colors in despair of ever perforations, that is, sinking shafts, (like wells) and formawakening the people north of the Potomac to a true ing and fortifying galleries or horizontal perforations to sense of their own interests, and of the demands of jus-reach the veins, &c. requires great ingenuity as well as tice and patriotism? God forbid that the cup of patience should be dashed from our lips until it be drained to the last dregs. In a government originally founded upon conciliation and compromise, much must be borne before we abandon hope altogether. What said Mr. Jefferson on this subject? "Are we then to stand to our arms? No! that must be the last resource-not to

experience.

The best veins of gold are not horizontal, nor often vertical, but have a dip of 45 degrees to the horizon. They vary in width from a few inches to several feet. They are not confined to hills at all, but are found also in the low lands. These veins are often parallel to each other at unequal distances. Their depth in most

places has not been ascertained! There have been no ja vast amount of capital invested by the different comshafts sunk lower than 120 feet. In some of the mines panies which are now embarked in this business. the galleries, or fateral per.orations, (or arched entries large portion of this capital belongs to foreigners. as they may be called), extend a great distance in various directions from the man shatts, and so reach the veins. they are usually about 20 feet, one above another, which enables the miners to work with the greatest advantage.

CHESAPEAKE AND OHIO CANAL. From the National Intelligencer. We have at length had an opportunity of passing up the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, as far as the great falls of the Potomac, being something more than half of the distance that is now navigable. What we have seen of it has filled us with admiration of the grandeur of the enterprize, and the boldness and skill with which it has so far been carried into execution. It exhibits indeed one of the noblest conquests that we can imagine of art over nature. The craggy rocks have been subdued, and the valleys lifted up, to form a commodious passage for the fruits of man's industry to the markets of the world. It is impossible for any thinking man to look at this wonderful work, and in imagination to pursue it along its progress to its termination, without a deep convicwhich may be anticipated from it. Let him then consider that three years ago the first contract for the construction of the work had not been entered into, and he can hardly credit his senses when he perceives how much has been already accomplished, in an undertaking which was but a few years before regarded by many but as the wild dream of visionary enthusiasm.

It is not five years since these mines began to be worked to any considerable extent; indeed it is hardly half that period. And yet many of them are worked upon an extensive scale. And mills for grinding the ore, propelled by water or by steam, are erected in vast numbers. One of the Messrs. Bissels, who are probably doing more at the business than any others, told me recently, that their company employs 600 hands! And he stated that the whole number of men now employed at the mines in these southern states, is at least 20,000. He also estimated the weekly product of these mines to be equal in value to $100,000, or $5,000,000 annually! But a small part of the gold was sent to the U. S. mint.tion of the important political as well as social benefits By far the larger part is sent to Europe, particularly to Paris.

The chief miners (I mean laborers) are foreigners Germans, Swiss, Swedes, Spaniards, English, Welch, Scotch, &c. There are no less than thirteen different languages spoken at the mines in this state! And men are flocking to the mines from all parts, and find ready employment. Hundreds of land owners and renters, It is not easy to imagine a more delightful excursion work the mines on their grounds on a small scale, not for pleasure at this season of the year, than that in being able to encounter the expense of much machinery.the canal packet boat to the falls, or even to Seneca. I am pained to learn that the morals of these miners The boat is very handsomely fitted and furnished for is deplorably bad. Indeed I can hardly conceive of a the service it is employed in, and, in visiting the falls, more immoral community than exists around these the Crommelin hotel affords a most accommodating mines. Drunkenness, gambling, fighting, lewdness, and resting-place. We recommend the jaunt to all our every other vice, exist here to an awful extent. Many readers who can spare time and means for such enjoy. of the men, by working three days in the week, make se- ment. The grandeur of the scenery through which the veral dollars, and then devote the remaining four to canal passes, and that of the great falls adjacent, indeevery species of vice. The colored people-slaves-pendently of the gratification of curiosity in seeing the are generally the most moral. canal, will afford them ample compensation for the time which they will spend in the journey.

Along the whole line of the canal we observed not a single defect, nor any evidence of there having been any. The hands at some of the locks are not as dexterous in the management of them, perhaps, as longer practice will make them. The passenger who is not on his guard, may chance thus to get a jolt or two; but as this involves no danger he will not regard it. The bridges over the canal are few; and a moderate inclination of the body enables those who stand on the roof, (or deck), of the boat to pass under them; whilst those who remain in the cabin are as much at ease and as comfortable as if they were in their parlors or drawing rooms at home. The packet-boat is drawn by three horses, at the rate of six miles an hour whilst in motion. The passage of the

Mr. B., of whom I have spoken above, informed me that he and his brothers were very desirous of seeing something done to promote Sunday schools, and the preaching of the gospel among the miners. By the efforts of a devoted female, one Sunday school is maintain ed, possibly there may be more. Several of the miners who were imported from Cornwall are excellent men, belonging to the Methodist church, and one or two of them preach, if not with success among the miners, yet quite so among the country people around. Cannot something to be done for these people? Ought not something to be attempted by our missionary sceicties? But let them not send any man, unless they can send one of the right stamp-cheerful as well as serious, devoted, and pungent in his preaching, of much vivacity and tact in getting along with such ungodly men,-tuli of meek-locks of course causes some detention, but we made the ness and kindness, and patience and perseverance.

The village of Charlotte, in Mecklenburg county, is in the immediate vicinity of several of the largest mines. It is growing rapidly.

whole passage to the falls, with about seventy persons on board, in less than four hours. The number of locks from Georgetown to Crommelin is twenty, of which Sixteen are now in use. The distance ascended by the Before I conclude this brief account of the gold mines, canal to overreach the great falls is a hundred and sixtyI ought to state one lact which is of deep interest, that one feet above tide-water, being the most expensive and is, that there are indubitable evidences that these mines diflicult work upon the line. Four locks more are passwere known and worked by the aboriginal inhabitants, ed to arrive at the aqueduct which crosses the Seneca or some other people, a long period since. Many pieces creek, and only seven more to reach Harper's ferry. of machinery which were used for this purpose have The ascent from tide-water to Cumberland is estimatbeen found. Among them are several crucibles of earth-ed at 586 feet. So that the lockage from tide-water to enware, and far better than those now in use. Mr. Crommelin is more than a fourth of what will be reB. told me that he had tried three of them, and stated quired for the whole distance to Cumberland. that they last twice or three times as long as even the Hessian crucibles, which are the best now made.

MANUFACTURES OF IRON.

These gold mines prove that the whole region in We accident lly obtained sight of the following letwhich they abound, was once under the powerful action ters, and deemed them so creditable to all the parties, of fire. And it is a fet not generally known that the that we were very unwilling they should be withheld miners who have come from the mines in South Ameri-from publication. Messers. Barnett, Shorb & Co. finalca and in Europe, pronounce this region to be more abundant in gold than any other that has been found on the globe. There is no telling the extent of these mines; but sufficient is known to prove they are of vast extent. I have no means of ascertaining the number of mines which are now opened; it is however very great, and constantly increasing. These mining establishments are of every variety as to extent of operation. There is

ly, after a very earnest request, furnished us with a copy
of the correspondence, and reluctantly permitted us to
give it publicity.
[Pittsburg Gazette.
Pittsburg, March 22, 1831.
HENRY CLAY, esq.-Dear sir: Accompanying this you
will receive, by the hands of our mutual friend, Mr.
Stephens, a few articles, which we beg you wili do us
the honor to accept. They were made by Messrs. Pack-

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