such a man as Daniel H. Miller, it is without the shadow of ex-[ cuse or extenuation, and appears, as such an act always should appear, in naked and hideous deformity.

We will not dwell on the private qualities which fastened his friends to him with links of steel, although the subject is as attractive as it is rich. We only speak of him as a public man, From the period when Penn. connected with the Jackson party. sylvania nominated general Jackson in 1824 down to the day of his lamented death, Mr. Miller was ever found among the firmest supporters of the president. It is true, that when any particular measure of the government appeared inconsistent with his conscientious convictions of right, at variance with the interests of his constituents, or in opposition to the settled policy of his native Pennsylvania, like an honest man and a faithful representative, his voice was raised against it; but it was done with a total absence with every factious feeling, and in a manner that evine ed it to be the honest dictate of a convinced judgment. How far he was the sincere, and even the enthusiastic friend of Andrew Jackson, we can appeal to his colleagues in congress during the last year of Mr. Monroe's administration, and during the stormy period that Mr. Adams exercised the executive functions. For the truth of this we can appeal to the ancient, faithful and valued friends of the president, nay to the president himself, whose legislative associate he was: and if this appeal should ever reach the eye of Andrew Jackson, we feel confident, that in the native frankness of his heart, and with the manly, sincere and generous candor, which extorts admiration for him, as a man, from friends and He foes, he will yield to it a hearty and an unqualified assent. will vindicate the memory of the honored dead from the foul calumny which blurs as pure an escutcheon as pertains to any Pennsylvania republican. The president, we know, never autho rised the abuse of his name, of which we complain. But does that lessen the wrong of which we complain, in those of whom we complain? Words would be wasted, and time idly spent, in maintaining the negative of such a proposition before an intelligent people. To them we leave the subject, only asking for it a calm, a candid, and a deliberate judgment.

did not know me.

Mr. Miller, the member of the last congress from Pennsyl vania, was an old acquaintance-perhaps, I might call him a personal friend; and, though not much in the habit of talking politics when we latterly met, we often conversed with much free dom on other subjects. On the morning of a certain day when an impurtant vote, (perhaps the final one), was expected to be taken on the "Indian bill," we were discoursing with one another in the small room that serves as a passage from the hall of the house of representatives to the great rotundo, when a gentleman came up, and, as I thought, quite rudely interrupted us, with a warm party-ap. peal to Mr. Miller, invoking him, in strong terms, to support the bill-saying that the administration would be "thoroughly d-d it it failed." I had heard much of efforts made to obtain a majority for that bill, and supposed that its friends had proceeded to extraordinary lengths to carry it, but was yet much astonished at such a display of feeling and force of expression, in the presence of a stranger-as, not knowing the gentleman, I supposed that he Mr. Miller said that he could not vote for the bill, &c. and the gentleman used some rather bitter words: On which Mr. Miller declared, with great energy and firmness,"Well-if either the Indians or the administration must be toma. hawked-I shall be for tomahawking the administration!" The gentleman then left us in anger, and when Mr. Miller had to carry commenced to speak of certain means resorted to that bill, and I think that he used the words "by bullying," he was called to his seat, and I had not an opportunity to ask who the gentleman was-though I knew that he was a member of the house, having often seen him in the hall. On this simple statement of a fact-I shall offer no comment. ED. REGISTER. [The custom-house officer Guier spoken of in the "Sentinel," in the preceding article, seems to be a chief manager at Phila delphia. On the 7th of June a meeting of "the democratic citizens" was held, George M. Dallas, esq. in the chair, to make preparations for a celebration of the great anniversary. This Mr. Guier proposed that it should be a "Democratic-Jackson festival." An angry discussion followed, and at last the chair decided that a majority had agreed to Mr. Guier's proposal. This was war.nly denied, and a regular division being had, there appeared 87 for and 83 against the proposition of the custom house officer. All At this mecting an present were acknowledged "Jacksonians." honorable mention of gov. Wolf's name, was hissed, by a part of the majority. The "Sentinel," however says that only one person was guilty of such indecency.

The "Inquirer" pronounces the Sentinel "no longer a Jackson print."

[We thought that we had a copy of the reply of the "Globe," (on behalf of major Lewis), to the preceding-but it is mislaid. We shall insert it, however, if obtained.]

The "Telegraph," on publishing the charges preferred by the "Sentinel" against second auditor Lewis, says "Well may the Sentinel express a doubt whether it will ever reach the eye of the president. Among the artifices resorted to by those who have surrounded him, [the president], and abused his name, is an organized plan of intercepting every thing, which they believe will open his eyes to their practices."

FROM THE GLOBE OF JUNE 17.

Mr. Kendall, who was detained at his father's, in New England,
beyond the intended period of his absence, by the sickness and
death of one of his children, returned to this city on Wednesday
last.

Misrepresentations of the opposition corrected.
"Will the Globe deny that Mr. Ingham, gov. Branch, and Mr.
Berrien, were dismissed because they refused to compel their fa-
milies to associate with that of major Eaton?

"Will the Globe deny that, in January, 1830, a member of con
was the president's determination to remove them from office un-
gress waited upon these gentlemen, and informed them, that it
The editor of the Globe cannot venture to say what communica-
less they conformed to his wishes in this respect." [Telegraph.
tions members of congress may have undertaken to make to Messrs.
Ingham, Branch, and Berrien, but he denies emphatically that any
member of congress was ever authorised by the president to in-
form these gentlemen that it was his "determination to remove
them from office" if they "refused to compel their families to co
sociate with that of major Euten." If any member of congress
has asserted that he had such authority, he is bound to inform the
public under what pretext he assumed it.

We publish from the Richmond Enquirer and the Nashville
Republican, articles which show that the course of the Telegraph
is now pretty well understood by the friends of the president, in
every section of the country. It is the duty of the republican
prints to take pains to inform the people of the real attitude
which the Telegraph now holds towards the administration. The
plan of this paper has been, to profess an inclination for the
re-election of the president, and still to wear the badges of the
party, that it might keep up its circulation among the Jackso
nians, and thus have the opportunity of persuading them of the
"vanity and self love" of the president-and that he was seeking
His hostility to
to "corrupt our public as well as our private morals." The mo-
tives which induces this individual to press his services upon the
republican family, can no longer be mistaken.
its head is at last, after "puttering in a double sense," for six
The man who would com.
months, most distinctly avowed.
circumstances, might, on the same principles, advise him to take
mand his kind services longer to the president under existing
a cook who would poison his food. The character of the presi
dent is dearer to him than his life. He who would rob him of
the unblemished honor, which has been ascribed to him by the
voice of his country, strikes deeper than his vitals. The reputa-
disguise of a friend. It has been an invidious duty to expose
tion of the president could only be reached by one who wore the
such an assailant. We shall hereafter have as little to say of the
Telegraph as of any other opposition paper.

To the preceding, the "Telegraph" replies-The Globe affects
to deny that the member of congress who waited upon Messrs.
Ingham, Branch and Berrien, was authorised by the president to
do so. If the member of congress in question should now retract
what he then said, which we do not believe he will, there are
on the occasion, in question, at the instance of the executive. It
circumstances which will leave no room to doubt that he did act
is proper that we should say, that the knowledge of this fact
and of the circumstances, bave very lately come into our pos
dicate the propriety of leaving to the parties themselves further
session; and the manner of the denial of the Globe, seems to in-
developments. Perhaps the president may communicate the fact
of the dissolution of his cabinet to congress. Perhaps an enquiry
may be instituted on the nomination of the new ministers, or that
of Mr. Van Buren as minister to England. In such case, all that
we have said, and more, will be confirmed by the most undoubted
testimony.

FROM THE UNITED STATES TELEGRAPH.

We are fully sensible of the diffiulties of reaching the public
mind in a state of high party excitement. We are aware of the
attempts which have been made to forestall public sentiment by
enlisting public jealousies against this press in advance. And
knowing these things, we have forborne to speak to the public
until we have no other alternative-until silence would be mean
submission. Shall we sit with our arms folded, whilst the deserters
from the ranks of the enemy bind our strong men, and deliver us
all as captives? There is treason in the camp; and shall we per
mit the traitors to inscribe their own characters on our foreheads,
without raising a finger or uttering a word? No; we will do our
duty. We will sound the alarm, and arouse a feeling in every
We will show who it is that has endangered the re-elee-
virtuous bosom which shall scout the treason, and expel the trai-
tors.
tion of gen. Jackson. Who it is, that, under false pretensions,
have won his confidence, and are now endeavoring to break up
the republican party. And first-Amos Kendall.
of Kentucky in 1827.
Extract from Amos Kendall's testimony given before the senate

"Witness replied, that he came to Kentucky early in the year
Mrs. Clay employed him to live in her family one year and teach
1814, while Mr. Clay was in Europe; that it so happened that
tled in Georgetown; that shortly afterwards, he went to Lexing
her children; that he remained there about a year, and then set-
tou on business, and was taken siek in a boarding house; that
he could be removed, had him carried to her bouse, where she
Mrs. Clay learing of it, sent her carriage for him, and as soon as
nursed him with the utmost kindness, until he was able to re
turn to Georgetown; that Mr. Clay had not yet come home, and
witness had never seen him; that this kindness of Mrs. Clay's
laid him under a weight of obligation to her which he always
felt and acknowledged; that when Mr. Clay came home, he re-
vice in his family, &c. that an acquaintance was formed shortly
ceived a very cordial letter from him, thanking him for his ser
after, which was kept up with the most friendly feelings until
since the late presidential election; that he had been stimulated
Mrs. Clay."
in his exertions to promote Mr. Clay's views by his obligations to

After this Mr. Clay offered Mr. Kendall a clerkship with a salary of one thousand dollars; Mr. Kendall asked one with a salary of fifteen hundred. Mr. Clay refused to give it, and Mr. Kendall terwards addressed to Mr. Clay. turned for gen. Jackson. The following is a part of a letter af

A

Extract from Mr. Kendall's letter to Mr. Clay. "That the world may see how perfectly Messrs. Blair, Crittenden, and myself, finally concurred in our "kind wishes" and views, I annex my letter to you of 21st of January to theirs of the 9th to Mr. White. You say, I never explained to you what I mean by "promoting our interest in the west by any arrangement other than the election of gen. Jackson" True; but did you not well understand my meaning? Read the letters of Crittenden and Blair, which you doubtless saw at the time, and you will see. as you already know, that it consisted wholly in my "kind wishes" towards you, whose elevation we all considered as identified with **our interest in the west." ANTI-MASONIC!

To the editor of the Juniata Telegraph.

Gentlemen: Having seen the proceedings of the anti-masonic convention lately held in Harrisburg, that I have been appointed one of their committee of correspondence for Juniata county, think it due to myself as well as that party to state, that I am and always have been a "Jackson man," and that I believe, his reelection is intimately associated with the best interests of our republic. I, therefore, take this occasion to say that I cannot consent to be considered one of a party, (whatever my opinion of masonry may be), whose primary object appears to be to deprive the country of the services of that distinguished individual. Iam, &c. Mifflintown, 6th June, 1831.

JAMES FROW.

FROM THE GEORGIA JOURNAL.

ment yesterday. In the morning he was engaged in taking leave of his friends, when major Eaton, accompanied by several others, made his appearance in the treasury building. Their conduct was such as to attract the notice of the clerks; and a report soon was circulated that he had come there for the purpose of making a personal attack upon Mr. Ingham. One of his friends im mediately apprised Mr. Ingham of it; and he, having prepared himself for the occasion, passed to his office without molestation. Some short time afterwards major Eaton, with two of his brothersin-law, doctor Randolph and major Lewis, left the building. Mr. Ingham, we are informed, will leave the city for Pennsylvania,

to-morrow.

MR. EATON TO MR. INGHAM.

Friday night, 17th June, 1831. Sir: I have studied to disregard the abusive slanders which have arisen through so debased a source as the columns of the United States Telegraph. I have been content to wait for the full development of what he had to say, and until persons of responsible character should be brought forth to endorse his vile abuse of me and my family. In that paper of this evening is contained the following remark of my wife: "It is proven that the secretaries of the treasury, and of the navy, and of the attorney general, refused to associate with her." This publica. tion appears in a paper which professes to be friendly to you, and is brought forth under your immediate eye. I desire to know of you, whether or not you sanction or will disavow it. The

We believe that the unjust and partial course which the Tele-relation we have sustained towards each other authorises me to

graph adopted, unbecoming the dignity of its place, and irrecon-demand an immediate answer. Very respectfully. EATON.

cileable with all ideas of propriety and fair dealing, has lessened its influence, and affected its prospects. We believe that the edi. tor of the Telegraph, who has ever been indebted for his fame to his talents for defamation-with whom opinions and principles are "trifles light as air," and who has heretofore indulged in mischief with impunity-will soon be consigned to the oblivion which his real merits deserve.

It is evident, from the course which the Telegraph bad for some time pursued, by vilifying many of the distinguished and ardent friends of the executive, and by distinguishing the president as the tool of these friends, that its editor was illy requiting the confidence and support of, and rendering poor service to the demo cratic party. The Telegraph was established to support the interests and principles of the republican party. It was with this view, and for this purpose, that the Telegraph has been cherished with more than maternal kindness" by the democracy of the union, and been enabled to reap for itself, an overwhelming and extensive patronage.

Has he answered the just expectations of his numerous friends and patrons? Has he not been "false and faithless" to those who have, at all times, rendered him their warmest and most cordial aid, and who, in all emergencies, have been his best and most ef ficient supporters? Is he not now anathematising the friends he has betrayed? Has he not turned traitor to the best interests of his party, and yielded himself a willing victim to the just indig nation of an incensed people?

S. D. Ingham, esq.

REPLY.

Washington, 18th June, 1831. Sir: I have not been able to ascertain, from your note of last evening, whether it is the publication referred to by you, or the fact stated in the Telegraph, which you desire to know whether I have sanctioned or will disavow. If it be the first you demand, it is too absurd to merit an answer. If it be the last, you may find authority for the same fact in a Philadelphia paper, about the first of April last, which is deemed to be quite as friendly to you as the Telegraph may be to me. When you have settled such accounts with your particular friends, it will be time enough to make demands of others. In the mean time, I take the occasion to say, that you must be not a litte deranged, to imagine that any blustering of yours could induce me to disavow what all the inhabitants of this city know, and perhaps half the people of the United States believe to be true. I am, sir, respectfully yours, &c. S. D. INGHAM. John H. Eaton, esq.

MR. EATON TO MR. INGHAM.

18th June, 1831.

that to a frank and candid enquiry brought before you, an an
Sir: I have received your letter of to-day, and regret to find
swer impudent and insolent is returned. To injury unprovok
ed, you are pleased to add insult. What is the remedy? It is
to indulge the expectation that, though a man may be mean
enough to slander, or base enough to encourage it, he yet may
mand of you satisfaction for the wrong and injury you done me.
have bravery sufficient to repair the wrong. In that spirit I de-
to the name and character of a gentleman as to be able to act like
Your answer must determine whether you are so far entitled
one. Very respectfully,
J. H. EATON.

Samuel D. Ingham, esq.

REPLY.

"A MOMENTOUS CRISIS" A-HEAD! From the Richmond Enquirer. "The time is coming, when the true theory of the constitution is to be brought to its test.-If it fails, then "clouds and dark ness rest upon us." The union itself may pass under one of the deepest eclipses which has ever obscured it. The south will never submit to a continued system of exaction, for the emolu. ment of some manufacturing sections.-Let it once be under stood, that this government is to be so changed from the original purposes of its formation, as that, in spite of the spirit of the restrictions of the charter, a revenue is to be raised on the south, for the benefit of the north-that taxes are to be laid, not for the Washington, 20th June, 1831. purpose of paying off the debt, and the necessary expenses of the Sir: Your note of Saturday, purporting to be a demand of sa government, but to carry on a great and splendid scheme of in- tisfaction for injury done to you, was received on that day; comternal improvement-to raise from the states, and then to distribute pany prevented me from sending an immediate answer. Yester a large surplus among them-to pay off their debts, contracted day morning your brother-in-law, Dr. Randolph intruded himself for the purposes of making their own roads and canals-and pay into my room, with a threat of personal violence. I perfectly un off millions of pension money-Then, indeed, will the rub come.derstand the part you are made to play in the farce now acting The south will not submit to such a state of things. The next before the American people. I am not to be intimidated by threats, congress may be the period of trial. If it should be found, that or provoked by abuse, to any act inconsistent with the pity and they will not modify the tariff-that they are determined to main contempt which your condition and conduct inspire. Yours sir, tain it in all its excesses-that even the extinction of the public respectfully, S, D. INGHAM. debt, is not to be the signal of a reduction of the tariff to merely John H. Eaton, esq. the necessary point of expenditure, we look forward to a great change in the tone of the whole southern people; not to speak of MR. EATON TO MR. INGHAM. other sections of the union. Eficient means will in all probabi 20th June, 1831. lity be employed to produce "a pull, and a strong poll, and a Sir: Your note of this morning is received. It proves to me pall altogether."-A special convention may be called for the pur-that you are quite brave enough to do a mean action, but too pose of co-operation and of action."

FROM THE U. S. TELEGRAPH EXTRA.

Washington, June 21. Another attack upon the liberty of the press. The following correspondence speaks for itself; and is further confirmation of what we have said relative to the causes which dissolved the late cabinet. We reserve for a subsequent notice, our comment upon this extraordinary attempt to silence this press, by holding others responsible for our statement of a fact which, so far as Mr. Ingham was concerned, had been stated in the Philadelphia Inquirer, several weeks ago, the truth of which cannot be denied. It is proper, however, that we should say that Mr. Ingham having completed the important reports, for which he continued in the discharge of the duties as secretary of the treasury, had made his arrangements to leave the depart

great a coward to repair it. Your contempt I heed not; your
pity I despise. It is such contemptible fellows as yourself that
have set forth rumors of their own creation, and taken them as
a ground of imputation against me. If that be good cause, then
should you have pity of yourself, for your wife has not escaped
them, and you must know it.-But no more; here our corres-
pondence closes. Nothing more will be received short of ac
ceptance of my demand of Saturday, and nothing more be said
to me until face to face we meet. It is not my nature to brook
your insults, nor will they be submitted to. J. H. EATON.
S. D. Ingham, esq.

*This is not fairly quoted. We said: "It is proved that the families of the secretary of the treasury, and of the navy, and of the attorney general, refused to associate with her." Ed. Tel.

302

NILES' REGISTER-JUNE 25, 1831-A MESS OF POLITICS.

From the Globe of June 22.

It is to

occasion, and then leave the city himself before the in-
formation he gave could reach the chief magistrate to
whom he appealed to redress the imputed wrongs. Mr.
Ingham was himself the only accuser and witness to
whom the president could refer, to make good the char-
ges against the public officers; and it was very extraor-

A correspondence of a private nature, between Messrs. Eaton
and Ingham appears in the Telegraph of last evening.
be regretted that circumstances sometimes occur in the private
relations of life which make such appeals necessary. The me-
rits of this controversy, like all others of a private nature, we shail
leave to the decision of the public, without any comment from us.
We are, however, requested to state, that the account given in
the Telegraph of a collection of persons in the treasury depart-dinary that he should make an investigation necessary,
ment, with the view of making a personal attack on Mr. Ingham,
is utterly destitute of foundation.

We are further requested to state, that major Eaton did, with out any attendant whatever, seek a meeting with Mr. Ingham, having first sent him word of his intention, in which he failed, simply because the object could not be effected without violating the sanctity of a private dwelling.

could have an opportunity of convincing him, by prove
and abandon the city before the individuals charged
ing the real state of facts, how much he had wronged
them in his suspicions.

But was it respectful to the president to make allega
tions which, if true, involved the dismission of several
of the prominent officers in the departments without en

Letter from the ex-secretary of the treasury to the pre-abling him to ascertain the facts on which it was neces

sident of the United States.

sary to predicate his conduct? Mr. Ingham knew from
the course held by the president towards the officers en⚫
gaged in the affair of honor in Pennsylvania, that he
would not tolerate violence on the part of those connect-
ed with the government over which he presided, and
that he would feel himself bound to prosecute an inves-
tigation into the charge made by him. Mr. Ingham was
apprised that major Eaton had ceased to act as a public
officer, on the day that he demanded personal satisfaction
for the insults with which he pursued him. The motive
of the attempt made by Mr. Ingham to implicate several
prominent officers of the government, as conspiring
If Mr. Ingham had reason to believe
to assassinate him, is certainly rendered questionable
by the peculiar circumstances, and, by the manner in
which it is done.
that he could substantiate an offence of so aggravated a
character on those criminated by him, was it not his duty
to have remained and to have confronted the accused?
If he had no ground to make such accusation, what apolo-
gy will he offer to the public for directing, like the fly.
ing Parthian, a poisoned arrow at the individuals who
had never injured, or intended to injure him, and whom
it is evident he feared to encounter face to face, and wait
the result of an investigation.

FROM THE U. S. TELEGRAPH, JUNE 22. Washington, 21st June, 1831. The president of the United States: SIR: Before I leave the city, it seems to be due to the government that I should perform a painful duty, imposed upon me by the events of the last forty-eight hours. It is not necessary for me now to detail the eircumstances which have convinced me of the existence of vindictive personal hostility to me among some of the officers of the government near your person, and supposed to be in your special confidence, which has been particularly developed within the last two weeks, and has finally displayed itself in an attempt to way lay me on my way to the office yesterday, as I have reason to believe, for the purpose of assassination. If you have not already been apprised of these movements, you may perhaps be surprised to learn, that the persons concerned in them are the late secretary of war and the acting se. cretary of war; and that the second auditor of the treasury, register of the treasury, and the treasurer of the United States, were in their company; and that the treasurer's and register's rooms, in the lower part of the building of the treasury department; and also a grocery store between my lodgings and the office, were alternately occupied as their rendezvous while lying in wait; the former affording the best opportunity for observing my approach. Apprised of these movements on my return from taking leave of some of my friends, I found myself obliged to arm, and accompanied by my son and some other friends, I repaired to the office, GENTLEMEN: I have this moment received the enclos to finish the business of the day, after which I returned to my lodgings in the same company. It is proper to state, that the principal persons who had been thus em-ed letter from Mr. Ingham, dated the 21st instant, and view with him, I find that he left the city before it reachployed for several hours retired from the department having immediately, on its receipt, sent to ask an interI wish you to state to me, if you, or either of soon after I entered my room, and that I received no molestation from them either at my ingress or egress. ed me. But, having recruited an additional force in the evening, you, have had any agency or participation, and if any, they paraded until a late hour on the streets near my to what extent, in the alleged misconduct imputed in his lodgings, heavily armed, threatening an assault on the letter herewith enclosed. dwelling I reside in.

Note-Mr. Ingham lett the city at 4 o'clock, A. M. The letter was received by the president, through the post office, at 8 o'clock, A. M.

June 22d, 1831. Dr. Randolph, acting secretary of war; and major Messrs. col. Campbell, treasurer; major Smith, register; Lewis, 2nd auditor:

I surely have been deceived in your characters if you I do not present these facts to your notice for the pur-are capable of so far forgetting the responsiblities of pose of invoking your protection. So far as an individual your stations as to participate in the reprehensible conmay rely on his own personal efforts, I am willing to meet duct charged. To the serious charges contained in Mr. Respectfully, this peril; and against an assault by numbers I have Ingham's letter, which gave me the first information that ANDREW JACKSON. found an ample assurance of protection in the generous I have had upon the subject of his difficulties, I wish you tender of personal service from the citizens of Washing- to give a prompt and explicit answer. ton. But they are communicated to you as the chief magistrate of the United States, and most especially of the District of Columbia, whose duties in maintaining good order among its inhabitants, and protecting the of ficers of the government in the discharge of their duties, cannot be unknown to you.

I have only to add that, so far as I am informed, all
the persons engaged in giving countenance to this busi-
ness are officers of the government, except the late se-
I have the honor to be, respectfully,
S. D. INGHAM.'
cretary of war.
your obedient servant,

FROM THE GLOBE OF JUNE 23.
The gentlemen implicated in Mr. Ingham's letter,
which we insert, have furnished us with the call made
upon them by the president, and the several responses
made by each of them. It is strange that Mr. Ingham
would charge men who have borne pure and unsullied
characters through life with lying in wait to assassinate
him," that he would, by a direct communication, call
upon the president to interpose his authority upon the

Washington June 22, 1831. SIR: I have had the honor to receive your communication of this day, enclosing a copy of a letter to you from the late secretary of the treasury of the 21st instant, complaining of an attempt to way-lay him on the part of certain officers of the government, for the pur their, company and my room in the treasury with being pose of assassination, and charging me with being in alternately occupied with other officers as a rendezvous for them while lying in wait.-It might perhaps be sufficient for the purpose which you have referred this communication to me, for me to apply to the charges against me, a simple and unqualified denial. They are entirely destitute of the least foundation in truth: or participating in any thing connected with this matter but to show you more clearly how far I was from aiding complained of, I will beg your permission to add the fol lowing circumstances. The late secretary of war,

major Eaton, never consulted me upon the subject of, ed between Mr. Ingham and major Eaton, and how far his controversy with Mr. Ingham, nor did I even see him on the day in question, except in an accidental meeting of a few minutes. I never saw the correspondence between them until it appeared in the Telegraph; and although I had heard that a correspondence was going on which might result in a personal conflict, I did not believe it was likely to take place on that day, or even that Washington was to be the scene of it.

accustomed hours for business, openly and at places earnest hope, that, under the influence of better coun where he daily passed to his office. He was not to be sels, your own and the interests of our common country found! I passed by, but at no time stopped at, or at- may receive all the benefits which you have anticipated tempted to enter his house, nor to besiege it by day or from the change of your confidential advisers. A very by night. I offer no statement here that is not suscep- few days will suffice to enable me to put my office in a tible of the clearest proof, condition for the reception of my successor, and I will My note of the 20th was written with indignant feel-advise you of the fact as soon as its arrangement is comings, and under strong excitement; hence the reason plete. I am, respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, why any reference was made to a female. I regret it; JN. MACPHERSON BERRIEN. although the letter was a mere private notice to Mr. To the president of the United States. Ingham, and was so intended. By me, it never was designed to meet, nor ever would have met the public eye. Respectfully, &c. J. H. EATON.

Mr. Berrien. At length the formal resignation of the attorney general has appeared. The following is the correspondence with the president in relation there

to:

From the United States Telegraph.

Washington, June 15, 1831. SIR: I have received your letter resigning the office of attorney general.

In the conversation which I held with you, the day before yesterday, upon this subject, it was my desire to present to you the considerations upon which I acted in accepting the resignation of the other members of the cabinet, and to assure you, in regard to yourself, as well as to them, that they imply no dissatisfaction with the manner in which the duties of the respective departments have been performed. It affords me great pleasure to find that you have not misconceived the charater of those considerations, and that you do justice to the personal feelings with which they are unconnected. I will only add, that the determination to change my cabinet was dictated by an imperious sense of publie duty, and a thorough, though painful conviction, that the stewardship of power, with which I am clothed, called for it as a measure of justice to those who had been alike invited to maintain near me the relation of confidential advisers. Perceiving that the harmony in feeling, so necessary to an efficient administration had failed, in a considerable degree, to mark the course of this; and having assented, on this account to the voluntary retirement of the secretaries of state and war, no alternative was left me but to give this assent a latitude co-extensive with the embarrassments which it recognized, and the duty which I owed to each member of the cabinet.

Washington, 15th June, 1831. SIR: I herewith tender to you my resignation of the office of attorney general of the United States. Two considerations restrained me from taking this step at the moment when your communication to the secretary of the treasury, announcing your determination to reorganize your cabinet, first met my eye. There was nothing in the retirement of the secretaries of state and of war, or in the distinct and personal considerations which they had assigned for this measure, which made it obligatory upon, or even proper for me to adopt a similar course. Such a step with any reference to that occurrence, could only become so, on my part, as an act of conformity to your will. You had felt this, and had announced your wishes to the secretaries of the treasury and of the navy, respectively. I had a rght to expect a similar communication of them, and conformed to the wishes and opinions of my fellow citizens of Georgia when I determined to await it. An additional consideration was presented by the fact that I had been charged, at the moment of my departure from this place with the performance of certain public duties which In accepting your resignation as attorney general, I were yet unfinished, and my report concerning which take pleasure in expressing my approbation of the zeal you did not expect to receive until my return. I was and efficiency with which its duties have been performgratified to learn from yourself that you had taken theed, and in assuring you that you carry with you my best same view of this subject, having postponed the com- wishes for your prosperity and happiness. I am, very munication of your wishes to me until my arrival at this respectfully, your obedient servant, place, without expecting in the mean time any communication from me. It is due to myself further to state, that, from the moment when I saw the communication referred to, I have considered my official relation to you as terminated, or as subsisting only until my return to the city should enable me to conform to your wishes by the formal surrender of my office, which it is the purpose of this note to make.

John M. Berrien, esq.

ANDREW JACKSON.

P. S. You will please to continue to discharge the duties of the office of attorney general until you make all those arrangements which you may deem necessary, which, when completed, and I am notified thereof by you, a successor will be appointed. A. J.

Washington, June 22, 1831. SIR: In conformity to the suggestion contained in my note of the 15th inst. I have to inform you that the arrangements necessary to put the office of the attorney general in a condition for the reception of my successor are now complete.

-

I retire, then, sir, with cheerfulness from the station to which your confidence had called me, because I have the consciousness of having endeavored to discharge its duties with fidelity to yourself and to the country. Uninfluenced by those considerations which have been avowed by that portion of my colleagues who have voluntarily separated themselves from you-totally ig- The misrepresentations which are circulated in the norant of any want of harmony in your cabinet, which newspapers on the subject of my retirement from office, either has, or ought to have impeded the operations of make it proper that this correspondence should be subyour administration, I perform this act simply in obe-mitted to the public, as an act of justice both to you and dience to your will. I have not the slightest disposition to my self. I am, respectfully, sir, your obedient serto discuss the question of its propriety. It is true that vant, JN. MACPHERSON BERRIEN. in a government like ours, power is but a trust to be used To the president of the United States. for the benefit of those who have delegated it; and that circumstances might exist in which the necessity of self-vindication would justify such an inquiry. The first consideration belongs to those to whom we are both and equally accountable. From the influence of the second you have relieved me, by your own explicit declaration that no complaint affecting either my official or individual conduct has at any time reached you. You have assured me that the confidence which induced you originally For reasons assigned in your note, you further ob to confer the appointment upon me remains unshaken serve, "make it proper that this correspondence should and undiminished, and have been pleased to express the be submitted to the public, as an act of justice both to regret which you feel at the separation, which circum-you and myself." I am sure I can have no objection to stances have, in your view of the subject, rendered una- your submitting them as you propose, as you believe this voidable. You have kindly added the assurance of your to be necessary. I am, respectfully, your obedient sercontinued good wishes for my welfare. You will not, vant, ANDREW JACKSON. therefore, refuse to me the gratification of expressing my

Washington, June 22, 1851. Sir: Your note of this day is received, advising me, "in conformity to the suggestions contained in my (your) note of the 15th inst. 1 (you) have to inform you (me) that the arrangements necessary to put the office of the attorney general in a condition for the reception of my successor are now complete."

John M. Berrien, esq.