It is understood that New Jersey, New Hampshire, Rhode Is. land, and Pennsylvania, complied with this recommendation in the course of the year following. Other states may have done the same; but some of them neglected an immedite compliance. In May, 1785, Mr. W. undertook a journey to the middle and southern states, a principal object of which was to obtain copy right laws in the states which had not yet enacted them. He visited Mount Vernon, and called on Dr. David Stuart, at Alexandria, then a member of the house of delegates in Virginia, to whom he communicated his wishes, and who promised his assis tance. The legislatures of the states not being in session, Mr. W. re turned to Baltimore, and sailed thence to Charleston, S. C. and returning spent the summer in Baltimore. In November he went to Richmond, where the legislature of Virginia, was to convene that winter. On his way, he visited Mount Vernon, and received letters of introduction from general Washington, to governor Harrison and the speakers of both houses. On the last day of December Mr. W. went to Annapolis, for the same object; and on the first of February, 1786; he visited Dover in Delaware, where the legislature was in session, for the same purpose. On petition, the legislature appointed a committee to bring in a bill for a copy-right law; but it was the last day of the session, and the business was deferred to the next session. These are the material facts in relation to the securing of copyrights, anterior to the formation of the present constitution of the United States. In this constitution, an article vests in congress the power "to promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries." In pursuance of this power, congress enacted the law of May 1, 1790, which superseded all the state laws on the subject. A supplementary law was enacted April 29, 1802. When Mr. W. was in England, in 1825, he learned that the British parliament, had, a few years before, enacted a new statute on the subject of copy rights, which had very much extended the term of exclusive right to authors. It occcurred to him that this rendered an extension of the right in the United States, very important to the citizens of this country; otherwise Americans, whose writings might be adapted to both countries, would send them to England for publication. This reason, co-operating with his own private interest, induced him to take measures for obtaining a new and more liberal law of the United States, on this subject. With a view to this object, he addressed a letter to the hon. Daniel Webster, requesting him to use his influence to obtain a new law on the subject of copy rights, which should extend the rights of authors. Mr. Webster replied and promised his aid. In the autumn of 1827, Mr. N. Webster applied to the hon. Mr. Ingersoll, a representative from Connecticut, stating to him the facts of an extension of copy-right in Great Britain, as also in France, and requesting him to use his influence to have a bill for a new law brought forward in congress. Mr. Ingersoll very cheerfully complied. On the 17th of December, on the motion of Mr. Ingersoll, the house of representatives, "resolved that the committee on the judiciary inquire into the expediency of extending the time for which copy-rights may be hereafter secured to authors, beyond the period now allowed by law, and also affording further protection to authors against the publication of abridg. ments or summaries of works, after the copy rights thereof have Leen secured." As the committee delayed several weeks to make a report, Mr. Ingersoll conversed fully on the subject with one of the members, and addressed a note to the committee, in which he stated the provision of the British statute 34th, Geo. 3, enlarging the rights of authors, and the liberal provisions of the French laws on the subject. He stated some of the defects of the old law of the United States, and urged the expediency and justice of a more liberal law. A petition signed by many respectable literary men, was, about this time, presented to congress, praying for the same object. Some members of the committee were opposed to the measure; but at length, on the first of February, 1828, the committee reported a bill consisting of three sections only, extending the term of copy-rights from fourteen to twenty-eight years, and securing the benefit of the act to authors who had previously obtained a copy-right under the old law. On the 21st of February, Mr. Verplanck submitted to the house of representatives, an amendment to the bill reported by the committee, entitled an "amendment to a bill to amend and consolidate the acts respecting copy-rights." This amendment was printed by order of the house. It was intended to embrace all the material provisions of the two former laws, and those of the bill reported by the judiciary committee,-it contained also some additional improvements. Nothing further was done, and the bill and amendment died at the close of the session. At the next session (1829 30) the hon. Mr. Ellsworth, a mem ber from Connecticut, was appointed one of the judiciary committee, of which the hon. Mr. Buchanan was chairman. Before Mr. Ellsworth left home, Mr. N. Webster applied to him to make efforts to procure the enactment of a new copy-right law; and he sent a petition to congress, praying for the renewal of the copy right of one of his books. This petition being refer red to the judiciary committee, brought the subject distinctly into consideration. After consultation, the committee authorised Mr. Ellsworth to prepare a bill for a general law on the subject. In order to present the subject in its true light, to the com mittee and to congress, Mr. E. wrote notes to the ministers of the principal European nations, requesting information from each of them, respecting the state of copy-rights in the nations they represented. From their answers, and an inspection of the laws of some of the governments, Mr. E. formed a report, stating the Lerms of time for which copy rights are secured to authors in Great Britain, France, Russia, Sweden, Denmark and certain This bill was approved by the judiciary committee, reported by Mr. Ellsworth, and printed by order of the house. But such was the pressure of business, and so little interest was felt in the bill, that no efforts of Mr. E. could bring it before the house at that session. Finding the efforts of the friends of the bill in congress una vailing to obtain a hearing, Mr. N. Webster, notwithstanding his advanced age, determined on visiting Washington in the winter of 1830-31. The difficulties which had prevented the bill from being brought forward now disappeared. Mr. W. had no occasion to solicit a vote. No sooner were his wishes known, than gentlemen mani fested an interest in the success of the bill. Some gentlemen were not disposed to pass a general law, extending the security of a copy-right to every petty publication; but on account of Mr. Webster's great labors, were willing to pass a private act for bis benefit; and one gentleman declared that he was willing to grant him the term of forty years. Mr. W. replied that petty publi cations would not live forty years: but he did not wish for a private act-he wished for a general law, as others of his fel low citizens deserved the benefits of the law as well as himself. The bill, at the second reading, in the house of representatives, met with some opposition; but it was ably supported by Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Verplanck and Mr. Huntington. It passed to a third reading by a large majority, and was ordered to be engrossed without opposition. When the bill came before the senate, it was referred to the judiciary committee. Mr. Rowan, the chairman, being absent, the committee requested the hon. D. Webster to take the bill, examine it and report it, if he thought proper: he did so, and under all circumstances, deemed it expedient to report it with out amendment. On the secor reading Mr. Webster made a few explanatory remarks-no other person uttered a word on the subject; and it passed to a third reading by a unanimous vote. On the third reading, the senate, on motion, dispensed with the reading, and it passed to be engrossed, without debate. * In the different applications for copy-right laws, made by Mr. N. Webster, before and since the formation of the present constitution, he is supposed to have devoted nearly a year's time, and expended nearly a thousand dollars. The preceding article upon an important point in the literary history of our country, is from the pen of an old and highly valuable friend and correspondent. 880 100,000 150,000 6,400 00 147,500 18,660 93 1,000 00 190,049 27 162,500 100,000 100,000 900 00 4,032 88 2,000 00 5,000 00 125,010 100,000 4.325 05 2,077 60 100,000 4,671 45 100,000 Boston on hand. culation. Amount of Amount Amount of Amount of deposites. bills in cir FOURTH SERIES.] No. 19-VOL. IV. BALTIMORE, JULY 9, 1831. [VOL. XL WHOLE NO. 1,033 THE PAST-THE PRESENT-FOR THE FUTURE. EDITED, PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. The venerable ex-president of the United States, JAMES MONROE, died at New York on Monday last, the fourth of July, at half past 3 o'clock in the afternoonaged about 73 years. His decease had been for some days expected, but life lingered until the anniversary of his country's independence, and his spirit departed on the 4th of July-the day on which those of ADAMS and JEFFERSON left their earthly tenements. These are really wonderful things! We shall next week devote a considerable space to a grateful remembrance of the illustrious dead. THE RIGHTS OF MAN. a conspiracy of the influential few against the divided and undisciplined many. But the latter have the power to direct events to their own advantage-they command at the ballot-box as well as in the field-they may hold the will and the sword of the national government; and if they do not ascertain their rights, and, with unity preserve them, the fault shall not rest with me-for the humble ability afforded has been, for more than thirty years past, devoted to exalt the character and advance the interests of my own class in society, and give to labor that rank which "genuine virtue" should hold in the republic. For the first time in my life, I performed a day's Among the natural and inalienable rights of man, as labor on the FOURTH OF JULY-working at the desk set forth in the "great paper" issued on this glorious day, eleven hours, to prepare the leading article published in fifty-five years ago,-are "life, liberty and the pursuit of the present number. The frolick was a severe one-happiness"-and the working men of the United States but if I shall have the good fortune to amuse or instruct compelled an acknowledgement of these rights by the any of my readers, and especially of the class particular- tyrant" who had oppressed them-whose ministers ly addressed, I shall not regret that I thus spent one an- would have forbidden "even the manufacture of a hobniversary of the new and magnificent DECLARATION OF nail," lest it might contribute to a severance of those chains which Great Britain had forged to hold an austere The subjects touched are deemed of vital importance; dominion over the people of her colonies. But the hardy and the essay is written in the fulness of the spirit which and free, intelligent and patriotic laborers of the new I felt on the day. I have endeavored to strip political states, having served seven years apprenticeship to the economy of the mystery which too often envelopes it-trade of war, conquered the independence of their counand to relieve the reader of the necessity of study, as he try, and then joyfully returned to the peaceful toils of the proceeds with the article-adopting, so far as I could, field, the work-shop, honorably to earn a plentiful the most simple style, and using the plamest words to ex- subsistence, and promote their private fortunes, beneath press ideas which should be familiar to every free labor- the Eagle-banner which they had raised up and sustained, ing man. If I have succeeded in the accomplishment of under the Good Providence of the ALMIGHTY, to mark my purposes, and can again find myself in the same good and bless the happy land of the free. humor for writing in this hot or sultry weather, three other like essays, on contingent matters, shall pretty soon be prepared--for the "signs of the times" shew that every effort should be made to defend that SYSTEM which is annually adding uncounted millions to the wealth of the nation-for it is assailed from within and without, and no time, labor or money is spared to UNDERMINE its foundations. Let those more immediately interested, then, rally round it, as "a band of brothers"-and intrigue and management, supported by corruption, and urged on by VIOLENCE, will avail nothing against it. We shall nullificate the whole of them, with little bits of paper-the magic power of the ballot. I am not about to enter upon speculative discussions. I am not fitted for them either by education or habitboth which are plain, indeed. I had rather chop wood, than "chop logic." But I intend to seat my self down, as it were, in every working man's family-if he will per mit it, and then and there talk with him about matters of the highest importance to himself and me-our wives and little ones. And I hope that he will see and FEEL and ACT UPON the fundamental principles which I shall attempt to explain in the simplicity of that truth which, I trust, influences me, so that we may go to work together to defend ourselves in the right to "pursue our own happiness," while duly respecting the rights of all other men. We claim no monopolies-we ask no exclusive privileges-but, being by far the majority, we claim the natural and reasonable exercise of our power, so to mould the government as may best, in our own opinion, promote the "general welfare." We will not suffer the minority to construe the constitution, at its will. Mr. MADISON tells us, (what must needs have been the case) that this constitution was formed to protect the industry of the American people; and we intend insist that We give the ruil account of Mr. Ingham's re-observed-SHALL BE OLSEhe confederacy shall be ception at home, and had written some remarks upon it--which we are, at last, compelled to postpone, with a large quantity of other articles prepared for the press. The length of this essay is objectionable on several accounts-but it seemed as if I could not say what I thought necessary, in a less space; and the consequence of this length is, that the general business of the present sheet has been considerably interfered with, the holiday also somewhat embarrassing the mechanical operations of the week. But by the aid of a supplement, which we intend to publish with the next number, present omissions will be fully supplied. POLITICS FOR WORKING MEN-or an essay on LABOR and SUBSISTENCE-addressed to the free productive people of the United States, July 4, 1831. As it is probable that the present essay may be followed by three others on dependent subjects, and that *One specially addressed to farmers, on the benefits of the "home market," and internal improvements-the savings made in the cost of transportations being first and most extensively felt by themselves. With compaI have several times contemplated an essay on labor risous and statistical facts, as well relating to the condiand subsistence, to explain, so far as I am able, with all tion of farmers in other countries, as the advantages depossible simplicity and in the plain manner of a practi-rived from having our "work shops at home" where the cal mechanic, certain great principles of POLITICAL ECONOMY which every working-freeman should not only understand, but give an earnest and unqualified support to; for they deeply interest every man whose means of sub. sistence are furnished through the labor of his own hands. The times are pregnant with important events to all such persons in the United States. There is a manifest desire in many to reduce the grade of these in society, and to stint the comforts which honest industry enjoys, VOL. XL-No. 23. products of agriculture may be consumed, and the amount of such productions be brought to equalize itself to the demand-insuring reasonable compensations to farmers, but preventing gluts, and very reduced prices. A second more especially for mechanics—including all the trades working in metals, wood, leather, furs or cloth, &c. in supplying materials and building and furnishing houses, &c. pointing out the protection which they have directly received, or its happy results, leading these articles may fall into the hands of numerous per- is a No:-MEN, HIGH MINDED MEN, As beasts excel cold rocks and brambles rude; But know their rights, and knowing DARE MAINTAIN, Sir William Jones. I shall now proceed practically to shew what the congress of seventy-six meant by the words "PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS," Every body has heard the story of the poor Irishman, I have only to add, that no projects of politicians or who having had too much to do with the "cratur," fell out of his bed-but promised to get in again when "humbugs" of the day, now abounding, shall divert me from the course that I have so long pursued-and I he could catch it, as it flew round the room!" "Pat" is made the butt of many a joke-yet there are not a few should feel myself a traitor, if abandoning those opiJonathans who have thought that a tree or a post left its ions, the yet partial operation of which has so powerlocation, to run against them! But many tens of thous-fully increased the population and wealth-and the ands have been, and are, intoxicated from other causes means of present comfort, (sweetened by the hope of than the immoderate use of distilled liquors. Politics pro- "happiness") in my own native land. duce more intemperance in the United States than whiskey-and political drunkenness causes many to believe that beds, as it were, whirl round the room, or trees leave their roots, wickedly to knock down harmless personsThere is no country under heaven wherein the free the obliquity of their vision making them suppose that a working people live so well, and so rapidly advance www, "worm fence," or snake's course, their fortunes, as in the United States-and it will be boid straight line! because of their own fatal indifference, if they do not And hence I well know that some have been prevented from always maintain that high ground which separates them giving me a patient hearing, because that my opinions- from the "white slaves" of the old world, or black Let every man look (entertained when the "greatest and best" public men of working machines of the new. the day were as obscure and humble as my self)—are dic- around him and see from whence came the most wealtatorially pronounced, by drunken or profligate politici thy and useful of his neighbors. He will find that ans, as belonging to the transient disputes about persons many, perhaps a large majority of the richest, and to preside over or direct the affairs of this nation. It is bearing the reputation of honorable men, were humble the business of these, "whole" gallon generals and half-plough-boys, plain mechanies, or poor day-laborers. gill captains, to intoxicate thoughtless persons, and so Let him also enter into the dwellings of those who yet Tead them through all the filth of jurious party-holding labor every day, and he will find a plentiful supply of any thing lawful which may accomplish the desirgd end all the necessaries of life, many of the comforts, and -a senseless and unrefecting vote at elections Most some of the luxuries, within the premises or subject to of these do know, or at least ought to know, that such the command of the prudent and industrious poor. proceedings are dishonest towards me. But "all's fair There are some exceptions because of sickness, or in politics," says the contemptible thing at N. York, who other casualties-but it may be generally said, without fills a high office under the U. States, and manufactures the fear of contradiction or shadow of a doubt, that every paragraphs to serve any party to which, for the time be- man, able and willing to labor, has, or may have, as ing, he may happen to belong, and, with the rest of his much of the best bread and meat as his family can con"herd, "will laugh at any deception, any rank falsthood, sume, with a sufficiency of decent clothing, good shelor foul corruption, that subserves the party, and fills his ter from the weather, and a full supply of fuel. So pocket, the rights of things being measured by the much must be conceded. And can it be believed, that amount of "grist which they bring to his own mill," there is a large and powerful party in this country, On this account, I take leave to repeat (and abundant which would deny such rightful enjoyments to indusproof of the truth of the assertion exists in all my writ-try-that would send the laborer "supperless to bed?” ings), that the elements of every opinion that I now hold, THERE IS SUCH A PARTY! They are those as to the justice and necessity of protecting the labor of who call themselves "friends of free trade"-while the American people, that "none, may go supperless to not knowing that such a thing as free trade" exists; bed," were just as well, and as firmly established in my preaching against the laws of their own land, which mind, when in the 20th year of my age, as at present, protect the working people in their several emhaving passed my 53d. And it will be seen, that in all ployments, and are yet mean enough to recommend that the "changes of circumstance and time," I have never we should consume British calicoes, though Britain wavered-never passed for one moment to the right or will not receive our best superfine flour in exchange to the left, from the leading principles which I embrac- for the least important of the products of her labored in my youth-that, as labor was the source of all nor accept a hogshead of Virginia hams in part pay for wealth, those who labored were the primary concern of a keg of Jews-harps! This party, this "free trade every wise and paternal government. To take care of party"-in some of the states called "THE republican these-or rather, to enable them to "manage their own party" (though every British agent is a member of it), 22 is the time reading of the would but down the working people of the United words "PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS, ," which the sages of States to the condition or those in Great Britain and the revolution regarded as one of the "unalienable Ireland-where 16 hours labor in every 24 will not serights" of all men. cure to a man's family a sufficiency of "herrings and potatoes," with a little oat-meal, to make a thin gruel for breakfast-meat being hardly seen once in a week within the miserable tenements which they inhabit. But this is not all-these British semi-paupers have no hope of bettering their condition, at home. As they themselves wear out a weary life of base servitude and scanty subsistence-so must their children. As they spectable classes of society-so must their descendants are ignorant, and rejected from what are called the rebe! Ne sutor ultra crepidam-"let the cobbler stick to his last," is stamped upon the forehead of every British Jaborer-though now and then one of them rescues The third on the circulation of values-to shew how himself from his caste, and takes rank among his felcontemptible in amount is the foreign trade compared low beings as a MAN! And what is the result of all with the interior, or every day's commerce between dit- this? About a seventh or eighth part of the whole poferent persons-of the life and spirit which it gives to all pulation are ACTUAL paupers-hard-worked and yet not sorts of business, and the utter impossibility that our na-illed with the cheapest and coarsest food, such offals tion can prosper without a vigorous "circulation of values," concerns in their ass "What constitutes a state? Not high raised battlement or labour'd mound, Not cities proud with spires and turrets crown'd; Not bays and broad-arm'd ports, Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride, Not star'd and spangled courts, Where low-brow'd baseness waits perfume to pride. to the manufacture of better articles at reduced prices, while the working people have received more liberal wages, or at least more regular employment, because that the home market has been secured for their benefit. as a free laborer's dog rejects with scorn in America. This is only a faint outline of things as they are in Great Britain and Ireland. It is notorious, that the far as he has them, or holds an interest in them," working people, in large districts of that country, are are fattened at the public crib, being "splendid often almost in a state of starvation-though the poor- paupers," at a known cost to the people of about houses had before relieved from ten to twenty-three of two hundred and sixty thousand dollars a year; and every hundred of the gross population! It is difficult no small part of this latter enormous sum is tofor the fuil-fed American to apprehend a condition so tally independent of services rendering by any of the miserable-but it is often officially made known to us family, and also fastened in perpetuity on British labor. through the British papers. And withal, this remarka- These sums together, (the latter estimated at 4 per ble fact is presented a fact which we desire may be cent, interest, the highest value of money in England), carefully remembered-the distress is generally more make a capital of more than ten millions of dollars, besevere, more awful, in the agricultural than in the ma- stowed on one successful general. wrung from the nufacturing counties. Can the farmers of the rich wretched and hungered and naked and shoe-less "white lands of Loudoun, in Virginia, Frederick in Mary- slaves" of Great Britain and Ireland. And what land, Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, Munroe, in New "flourishes of trumpets" have we had, when the BriYork, Berkshire, in Massachusetts, &c. &c. &c. be- tish government, out of its great humanity, has granted lieve it possible that more than one half of all their in- a twentieth part of such sum, in any one year, to rehabitants could be actually suffering for want of a suf- lieve thousands from actual starvation! Even now, we ficiency of potatoes, turnips, or cabbages, or other like just learn that the king of England's wife, Adelaide, vegetables or such meats as sheep's-heads and trotters, (who, by the bye, seems to be a very good sort-of-a-woto keep life a-going? Yet such has been, and is, the man), is greatly lauded in the British papers, because case in British and Irish counties,† as much blest by na- that she has given up some small portion of the enorture, and in a much higher state of cultivation, than mous amount of the people's money, (which she rethose just above named. "The laborers in husbandry in ceives only because she happened to marry William England, are regarded as among the most unhealthy Henry Guelph), to the relict of the hungry population classes!-and entirely because their means of subsistence of several counties in Ireland-a less sum, perhaps, are inadequate to their wants!!-as observed by Mr. than has been expended at a single evening's entertainThackrah, a late and highly esteemed British writer on ment in her house-or else, perchance, has been paid health. He says "A man who has himself, his wife for green peas, peaches, or other like important articles, and family to support on twelve or sixteen shillings a provided for one meal. And, while the public charity week, cannot be well fed. Hence this body of men are is thus excited, by piteous tales of excessive suffering of far less robust in figure, than we should expect from whole families swept to the grave for want of food-the the nature of their employ. They are subject to disor- "half pay and retired allowances" paid in Britain in ders of the digestive organs, and generally suffer also 1830, were as follows: greatly from epidemics." The average, fourteen shil2. 8. d. lings a week, at the present rate of exchange, is equal 2,939,606 9 6 to about 340 cents in the United States, and the cost of 1,531,646 17 113 provisions and house rent almost twice as much as like American laborers are charged for like things. And thus "the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn is muzzled." Those who plough, and sow and reap the wheat, are not allowed to consume one grain of it. And why are these things-aye, why is there so much misery in the land of our ancestors? I will tell you, my friends: it is because the British working people have suffered their kings and lords and gentry and priests to manage the affairs of government, and divide the profits on labor at their own will; and they, poor things, intoxicated with politics, and rejoicing in the result of battles in which they had no interest, except because of the slaughter of some of their brothers or children!-have thrown up their old and ragged and greasy caps and huzzaed for general, the duke of WelTington, to whom four millions of dollars of their money had been given by a parliament in which they were not represented and who, with his legion-family, his mother and children, uncles and aunts, brothers and sisters, brothers-in-law by the half dozen, cousins by the score, and the sons of accommodating women, so Army, Civil department, Total, 557,090 0 0 485,370 18 7 5,313,714 6 02 Now, this is more than twenty-five millions of dollars-or about fifteen millions more than the whole regular expenditures of the United States, payments made for the reduction of the public debt excepted. Here is, indeed, an army of paupers." classes with whom the "free trade party" in the United We have thus shewn the real condition of the working States would compel our working people to contend! I shall not mince the matter-such would be the effect of a demolition of the "AMERICAN SYSTEM." What!shall the "high minded men" of these states, "who know their rights," not "DARE" maintain them?Shallese be placed in cOMPETITION with the squallid poverty and excessive toil of British laborers? Not until the Ethiopian changes his skin," and our farmers, mechanics and manufacturers repudiate their present wives and intermarry with black wenches! Admit, for the sake of the argument, that an Englishman, who has oat-meal gruel for his breakfast, a few boiled potatoes, * Even so long ago as 1815, according to Dr. Colqu-and, perchance, a part of a sheep's head for dinner, and houn, 20 in every 100 of the whole population of Oxford, 21 in Berkshire, and 23 in Sussex and Wilts, were PAUPERS-and these are agricultural counties! The following extract from a letter, addressed to earl Grey, by the right rev. Dr. Machall, a Roman Catholic bishop, gives a frightful picture of the sufferings of the poor of the west of Ireland. "Famine," he says, "is extending its ravages in Mayo, and it is, my lord, my painful duty (adds the writer) to communicate through you to his majesty's government, that already some lives have become victims of that calamity. On last week, having visited a distant parish of the diocess, I learned the afflicting news that contagion, the effect of want, prevailed to a great extent; that in one instance, the father, mother, and three children, were stretched on the same bed, without a morsel of nourishment, or a penny to procure it, or a human being to go in quest of relief, but as it was administered by the casual visits of some charitable neighbors; and that the first intimation the father received of the death of his wife, was the lips of the sucking babe being besmeared with the blood, which instead of milk, it extracted from the breast of its deceased mother.' no supper-can make a pair of shoes, a hat, or a coat, a *The duke of Wellington's family, however, is not the only one in England provided for in this mannernor is England the only country in which such things have happened! +Yes and he takes his meat before his pudding or pie-not using the last first that his appetite may be cloyed! He lays a solid foundation in his stomach, and on that builds up as much of the lighter jim crack or extra articles as he can! Herein is the REAL MERITS of the great question at is sue-but no British agent or pattern-card man in America-none of our own "philosophers," have yet had the AUDACITY to say, SUCH IS THE AIM AND THE END OF THEIR PURPOSES. The man who is vile enough to contrive such an issue, should have impudence sufficient to avow it! But in these severe remarkscaused in part, perhaps, by a selfish regard, being of the working class, (as are my adult children), --I do not mean to include all-no, not nearly all, the partizans of what is called "free trade:" for I cannot believe that a plain and practical representation of the operation of their theories has ever offered itself to their minds. But 1 do know there are some, themselves, perhaps, old oystermen, hod-carriers or pin-pedlars, or the immediate descendants of scavengers, who effect to despise laboring people, and regret that they "wax fat" and become "saucy!" And these creatures, though only, in themselves, worthy of being held up as objects for "Scorn to point her slow unmoving finger at," have great influence over the public mind, and use it-to prevent others from reaching that grade in society which they fancy has been gained for themselves! These are chiefly selected to give the hurrah at electioneering meetings-and it is the "HURRAH BOYS," who, (in the opinion of a late great public functionary), decide questions of the deepest interest! But these may yet discover that a bely-full of hurrahs would be a very cold supper to sleep on, and not afford much refreshment for the labors of the ensuing day! I say that every industrious and prudent American has a RIGHT to live well-and that this is the true meaning of the "natural and unaleniable right" involved in the words, "pursuit of happiness," as used in the DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE! But though excusing a majority of the "free trade party" as I have done this charge 1 seriously prefer against all; that they affect a regard for a thing which is not which, in the very nature of things, cannot be. Where is "FREE TRADE?" It belongs not to the past or present condition of society-but when the MILLENNIUM comes, and the lamb shall lie down with the lion, when food and clothing will no more be needed, there may be "free trade"-that is, no restrictive laws! But such laws must and will exist until the dispositions and the wants, and the public and private requisitions on labor (as the only true measure of value), shall be equal upon the nations and kingdoms and states of the civilized world. The peaceful Quaker says "resist not evil," but will he buy any thing which he can make, unless he can sell his own productions? Nay-he will shut himself up, and divert some portion of the labor of his family, say to the spinning of wool and knitting of stockings, which his ill-natured neighbor will not give him in exchange for bread. Here is the "restrictive system," in its fullest extent. The Quaker says "Neighbor Bull, my wife and children are badly off for stockings-and I desire to obtain some of thee. My farm produceth not silver nor gold-but I have a plenty of fine white wheat four-rye, corn and potatoes. I will allow thee thy asking price for the stockings, and sell thee flour, or grain, at half the price which thou art now paying for it and so let us exchange labor." But stocking-weaver Bull roars out, "you and your grain may go to, Mr. Ephraim Broadbrim! Mind your own business, sir your suggestions are impertinent! Your wife and chil dren shall go bare logged, unless you bring me gold or silver." "Now that's hard," the Quaker would return, "but I pray thee, friend Bull, do not put thy self in a passion. Keep, or eat thy stockings, as shall be most agrecable to thy self--they are thine to do what thou wilt with them. And as thou pleaseth not to trade with me, I must so contrive it as to do without thee. Farewell, neighbor Bull." And then the Quaker, "as stiff as a pike-staff," but without feeling any spirit of resentment, retires. Whereupon old Bull leaves his counter to abuse Ephraim, and calls him a "monopolist," an "extortioner," a "rogue," and a "thief"-and curses him because he seeks "exclusive privileges"--and all Bull's calves, big and little, horned or not horned, white, black or brindle, bellow in chorus, "free trade--no restric tions--free trade," and sing the glories of the stocking weaver! But the Quaker, though somewhat disturbed by the calfish din,looks not back--he proceeds "straight-way to his own house," wherein dwelleth peace and plenty, cheerful hearts, bright faces and willing hands-that he may counsel with his "help-mate." And when Jemima learns the issue of the proposed trade with neighbor Bull, she says-"Well, good Ephraim, I must say that this does not look clever, but let it not grieve thee," as she raises her spectacles and casts a kind look at her husband. "If thou wilt spare a little of thy wheat and corn-land, to pasture sheep and make hay to keep them in the winter, I'll be bound that none of us shall want stockings." AND SO IT IS SETTLED. To proceed with our subject. Let us first understand what is price, and what is value? Many persons apprehend these terms to be synonymous, and they may be so-but they are as often as different in their bearings as the antipodes. There are two men on a desolate and desert island-one has a bag of potatoes, the other a bag of diamonds. The potatoes have value, because they will sustain life-the diamonds, in themselves, are worth nothing, having neither price nor value. But if the two agree to divide the bags equally, the owner of the potatoes obtains his price, and he that possessed the diamonds gets value. If the bag of potatoes is sufficient to subsist both until relieved by some passing vessel,-both may have made a good bar. gain; but if both perish for lack of food, though the supply might have sustained one of them, the owner of the potatoes, so far as he made merchandize of his property, dies the death of a fool-yet, as a man he should have equalized his valuable stock with his unfortunate fellow. Price is something--any thing, money or goods, and depends on exchanges--value has no indispensable relation to price or exchange. A starved rat sold for a guinea on board the Jersey prison ship,--the crimes committed in which vessel were almost enough to sink a nation, and will yet he avenged! Five or six cents is the price of a day's labor in parts of the East Indies-but cannot be the value of one in the United States, because the laborer would perish were only so much means of subsistence afforded---as well on account of the different prices of provisions, as because of the kinds used, and the totally different habits of persons. These habits enter nearly as much into the value of commodities, as commodities themselves are necessary to sustain life. By habit, the East Indian lives on a little rice and water---the Irishman on potatoes --the Spaniard on a spoonful of rancid oil, a crust of black bread and a root of garlic--the Esquimaux on the raw blubber of a whale!-and with enough of these, and other small occasional supplies, either may reach long life; but place a Pennsylvania farmer under such a diet, and be must soon be almost starved! He would think, and think, and think---and soon make his public servants accountable for the adversity which they had brought upon him, in discarding and consigning them to the infamy of unfaithful agents of the people's will---as traitors to the "general welfare" of the American people. It is well known to most readers, that it is the practice of English noblemen, gentry and clergy, when their estates become embarrassed because of their gluttony in vice, to retire to France-and, by residing there, recrut their fortunes; though living quite as well, and keeping up the same pomp and parade, and style, in all things, (gambling excepted), which they observed at home. There is nothing mystical in this. Thirty British sovereigns, or pounds, will purchase as much of the general necessaries, comforts or luxuries of life-and go as far in the indulgence of most of the vices, as one hundred sovereigns in Britain. The value of a bushel of wheat, or gallon of wine, is the same in both countries-but the price differs 70 per cent. Hence it is utterly impossible that a "free trade" can exist between France and Britain-that the latter can exchange day's labor, as deter mined by its true value, the cost of subsistence, with the former, unless absolute beggary ensues. of wheat which costs only 50 pence sterling in France, A bushel contains the same nutriment as a bushel of wheat which costs 100 in Britain. sure of the cost of subsistence, a Frenchman, having Regarding wheat then, as a meaequal industry and skill, may make a pair of shoes, for example, just as well for 15d. as a Briton can for 50d. Thus we see that they cannot exchange bread-stuffs, or SHOES. Britain, because of the plentifulness of her coal |