authority of that high officer. If I do not shrink from this unequal strife, it is because I have a confidence which has never wavered, in the intelligence of my country men, a firm and unshaken reliance in the justice of that tribunal, whose high prerogative it is at all times, and under all circumstances, to vindicate the cause of truth. I have studiously abstained from any effort to excite public feeling in relation to the dissolution of the late cabinet. I have felt that the question of its propriety was one, the decision of which belonged alone to the American people. Personally I have not been disposed to deny the right of the president to exercise his own free will, as well in the change, as in the original selection of his cabinet; and with a perfect sense of the delicacy of my own situation, I would have been at all times a reluctant witness in the investigation of the causes which led to the recent events. It was not however enough that I should submit myself to his will, although the principle by which it was avowedly regulated, could have no application to me; for this I have unhesitatingly done. But I have been required silently to witness the entire misrepresentation of occurrences which the public were well aware must have come under my observation; nay, to be publicly vouched as authority for that which was directly in conflict with my convictions of truth-and finally to be called to vindicate my own claim to veracity, assailed as it is under the alleged authority of the president of the United States, or to subait to an imputation which no honorable man may bear. 1 mistake the character of the American people, if they would require this. I am totally ignorant of my own, if, under any circumstances, I could yield to it. It, in the face of this great community, the cause of truth can be prostrated by the arm of power, at least the privilege of vindicating it, shall not be tamely surrendered in my person. I will bow to the decision of my country menbut whatever that decision may be, the high consolation of having faithfully discharged my duty to them, and to myself, shall not be taken from nie. The disingenuous and unmanly suggestion of my desire to remain in the cabinet of general Jackson, not withstanding the occurrences which produced my retire ment, will be my apology for adverting briefly to the origin of my connexion with it, and to the circumstances which induced its continuance. yielded to these suggestions, and took my place in the cabinet, with a firm determination to avoid the controversies which I feared might occur. To that determination I have steadily adhered. Associating on terms of courtesy with my colleagues, my official intercourse with them was never interrupted by discord. supposed conflict between the interests of Mr. Calhoun If there were any combinations growing out of the and Mr. Van Buren, I had no part in them—and as little in the supposed measures of that character, having for their object to coerce major Eaton to retire from the cabinet-or to exclude his family from the society of Washington. With mine they did not associate; but no advance had been made on either side, and their actual relation seemed therefore to furnish no just ground of offence to either party. In this posture of things, and shortly after I had given an evening party to which Mrs. Eaton had not been invited, I received and heard with infinite surprise the message of col. Johnson. was a direct and repeated reference to the large parties, I could make no mistake as to its character, for there which had been then recently given by Messrs. Branch and Ingham, and myself. Such a mistake, if it had been one, would have been instantly corrected, from the nature of my reply. If the complaint had been of a combination to evict major Eaton from office, and not to exclude his family from society, the reference to these tion that I would not permit the president to control the evening parties would have been idle: and my declaralocal intercourse of myself and family, would have been instantly met by an explanation, which would have removed the impression from the minds of Messrs. Branch and Ingham, and myself. Yet we all parted with col. Johnson, with a clear conviction that such a proposition had been made, and feeling as we all did, that an indignity had been offered to us, there was, as I believe, no difference of opinion between us as to the course we ought to pursue, if this proposition should be avowed and pressed by the president. and the rumor of our intended removal speedily became This conversation took place on Wednesday evening, general. On the succeeding day, the personal friends of general Jackson interposed, and he was awakened to a sense of the impropriety of his projected course. It was then, according to col. Johnson's statement to Mr. Ingham, that the paper spoken of by the editor of the Globe It was without any solicitation on my part, or, so far was prepared. My two colleagues had their interview as I know or believe, on the part of any of my friends, with the president on the succeeding day, (Friday) and that I was invited to accept the office of attorney gene- as Mr. Ingham's statement, made from full notes taken at ral of the United States. There were circumstances, the time, proves, no paper was shown to him on that octemporary in their nature, but still strongly operative, casion. Owing to a mistake in the communication of the which rendered it not desirable to me. I felt, however, president's wishes to me, I did not see him until the that I was called to decide upon the question of my ac- succeeding day, (Saturday), and then the excitement of eeptance, not merely as an individual, but as a citizen, his feelings had so entirely subsided, that he seemed to and especially as a citizen of Georgia. On certain prin- me to be anxious to dispose of the subject as briefly as eiples of general policy, some of which were particu- possible. He spoke of the falsehood of the reports Jarly interesting to the people of that state, the views against Mrs. Eaton, of which he said he had sufficient communicated to me by the president, were in accord-proof; and upon my declining to discuss that question, ance with my own; and I felt it to be my duty, not to he complained of the injustice of excluding her from sowithhold any assistance which I could give to carryciety: referred to the large parties given by Messrs. Ing. them into effect. The annunciation of the names of ham and Branch, and myself, and told me if he could the intended cabinet seemed to me, however, to present have been convinced that there was a combination bean insuperable bar to my acceptance of the office which tween those gentlemen and myself to exclude her from was tendered to me. I thought I foresaw clearly the society, that he would have required our resignations. evils which have too obviously resulted from this selec- He immediately added, that he was entirely satisfied tion. A stranger to general Jackson, I could not with that there had been no such combination, and again repropriety discuss these objections with him. I knew, ferred to those large parties, and to the rumors to which moreover, that some of his confidential friends had they had given rise, as having produced that impression. faithfully discharged their duty to him, and to the coun- So far from then suggesting that information had been retry, by a frank communication of them. In this state ceived from any member of congress, when I claimed of things, I sought the counsel of those around me. the right of having the names of any persons who had To a gentleman high in the confidence of the president, made to him representations unfavorable to my conduct, and to a distinguished citizen of my own state, I sub- he still referred to the thousand rumors which had reachmitted the inquiry, whether, with this view of the cabi-ed him as the origin of such impression which had been net which the president had selected, I could with pro- made upon his mind. He showed me no paper-spoke to priety become a member of it. The former expressed me of none-intimated to me no terms which he would his decided conviction, founded on a long and intimate hereafter require. By his declaration that he did not inknowledge of the president's character, that he would tend to press the requisition which he had made through himself speedily see, and correct the evil. The latter col. Johnson, I considered the object of the interview to urged the peculiar relations of Georgia with the general | be to explain to me the motives under which he had acted, government, as presenting a strong claim upon me not and to announce the change of his determination. He to refuse the invitation which had been given to me. I accompanied this with expressions of personal kindness, which I thought were intended to soothe the feelings which he must have been conscious of having excited. Still I thought it was improper for me longer to remain in the cabinet. Admitting that sufficient atonement had been made for the indignity offered by the message sent through col. Johnson, there was a perpetual liability to the recurrence of similar outrage. I believed it, therefore, to be my duty to retire. My friends thought otherwise, and my own sense of what the interests of Georgia at that particular crisis required, induced me to repress my feelings. Sir: I received to-day your note of last night, in which you call my attention to an article in the United States Telegraph of the 17th instant, relating to your wife-and desiring to know whether I will sanction or disavow that statement, you add, "the relation we have sustained towards each other, authorises me to demand an immediate answer." When at a subsequent period, the controversy occurred between the president and vice president, I thought I saw in this, the evidence of an intention again to agitate the form of a demand, my answer must be brief. It consists in To this inquiry preferred as matter of right, and presented in the question, which by the agency of the personal friends the simple denial of the claim which you assert. 1 cannot recog of gen. Jackson, had been before happily repressed.nise your right to interrogate me, concerning the statements of The connection of Mr. Crawford with this controversy, the Telegraph, or of any other public journal, which are made and my own relation to gen. Jackson, forbade me to take without my agency. You might with equal propriety select an article from any newspaper in the union, for the purpose of put any part in it—and I studiously avoided all interference, ting me to the question-and if the claim which you assert be well except to deprecate Mr. Calhoun's publication. I left founded, I might be required at the instance of any person ag Washington on the fourth day of April, one day after grieved to give my confession of faith, in relation to the various major Eaton had announced to the president his determi-statements to be found in any of the journals, in which my name may chance to be mentioned. Such a demand, therefore, cannot nation to resign, according to the statement in his (maj. be admitted for a moment. But although I cannot recognise Eaton's) letter of resignation, and not the slightest inti- your right, either as derived from the relation which we have mation was given to me of the intended change in the ca- sustained towards each other, or from any other source, to make binet. But when I saw the correspondence between the the demand presented by your note, I am not quite sure, look. president and the several heads of departments, I could ing to the position in which we stand before the public, that I can not doubt for a moment how, and by whom, the dissolu- acquit myself to the community or to myself for declining to answer your inquiry. tion had been produced. I did not feel at liberty to express my views generally, until my return to Washington should enable me to dissolve my connection with the president; but to a few friends who had the right to understand my actual position, I stated the utter impossibility of my continuance in the cabinet, unless the president could place the retirement of my colleagues on other grounds than those which I believed to have occasioned it, and such as I could approve. In full view of the speedy dissolution of all connection between the president and myself, I availed myself of the occasion afforded by the kindness of my fellow citizens of Savannah, to do an act of justice to his public conduct, on a question vitally interesting to the people of Georgia. If there be any man who is incapable of understanding, or of appreciating the motive which prompted this act, I cannot envy his feelings, and will not attempt to enlighten his understanding. I returned to this city, had a conversation with the president, of which the prominent points are adverted to in my letter of resignation which immediately followed it, and having brought up the public business, which was in arrear, retired from office. In the progress of those events which have at length resulted in the dissolution of the cabinet, my determination has been not to do any act which was calculated to provoke controversy, nor to deviate under whatever urgency from that line of conduct, which my own sense of propriety prescribed. Acting upon this determination, I have necessarily pursued a course, which a refusal to answer your inquiry, might seem to indicate an unwillingness to avow. Such an inference would be unjust as it regards myself, and delusive in relation to the public. Although, therefore, I have the most unaffected reluctance to enter upon such a subject, and certainly do not acquiesce in your right to de mand it, it seems to me that you have by making the inquiry, imposed upon me the obligation to do so, from a just consideration of what I owe to myself and to the public. I have then to state to you, that up to the time of your marriage, I had not heard the rumors, which have since in various forms, been presented to the public, and was ignorant of Mrs. Eaton's relation to the society of this place. I accepted your invitation to be present at your wedding, therefore, with no distrust of the propriety of my doing so, other than that which resulted from my own situa tion at that period. You are yourself no doubt aware how much that event, and your subsequent introduction into the cabinet, made these rumors the subject of conversation. I could not longer continue in ignorance of that which was publicly and generally spoken of, and it consequently became necessary for me, embar rassed as the question was, by the official relation in which we stood to each other, to determine upon my future conduct. In While these occurrences were in progress, major Ea- doing this, it did not seem to me to be necessary, to decide upon ton addressed to me a letter of like import with his first the truth or falsehood of the statements which were made. It communication to Mr. lugham. He called upon me to was sufficient to ascertain the general sense of the community of sanction or disavow the statement in the Telegraph, that which I had recently become a member; and having done so, to conform to it. In the winter of 1830, as I presume is known to I answered my family had refused to associate with his. you, I was called upon by a gentleman, who represented himby detailing the conversation which had passed between self as acting, and who I doubt not did aet, under the authority myself and col. Johnson, and stated that I had subse- of the president, to express with precise reference to this subject quently expressed the same views to the president, who the regret which he felt at the want of harmony, or of social intercourse among the members of his cabinet, and to announce had disclaimed any disposition to press this requisition, bis determination at any rate to have it. Messrs. Ingham and referring to that which I had previously stated to have Branch were present at this interview. The fact was distinctly been made through col. Johnson. The editor of the stated that they and myself had successively given very large Globe has published this detached sentence of my letter, parties to which Mrs Eaton had not been invited. We were then told that on such occasions at least the president would expect and has made an impotent attempt to distort its meaning. in future a social intercourse between our respective families. The public shall judge of the whole correspondence for There were various other suggestions made during this conversa themselves. I had no disposition to publish this corres- tion, but the recapitulation of them is not rendered necessary by pondence. Perfectly satisfied that it would at all times your inquiry. 1 answered this communication for myself, that I would not permit the president, nor any other individual to respeak for itself, and not emulous of reputation to be ac-gulate the social intercourse of myself or family-and that if such quired in such controversies, I have resisted the numer-requisition was persevered in, I would retire from the official situaous calls which have been made upon me through different journals to give it to the public. But the editor of the Globe is in possession of it, and by the publication of an isolated extract, atttempts to do me injustice. I exercise a right, therefore, which belongs to me, when I take from him, this unfair means of annoyance, by giving the whole to the public. tion which I held. In the interview to which I was invited by Friday night, 17th June, 1831. Sir: I have studied to disregard the abusive slanders which Monday Morning, 8 o'clock. bave arisen through so debased a source as the United States Telegraph. I have been content to wait for the full development Sir: I have received your note of the 18th inst. It may be of what he had to say, and until persons of responsible character come necessary for me to offer something in reply. For the preshould be brought forth to endorse his vile abuse of me, and of sent I have engagements which prevent me from doing more than my family. In that paper of this evening is contained the follow- to acknowledge that it has been received. Very respectfully, J. H. EATON. 20th June, 1831. ing remark of my wife: "It is proven that the secretaries of the Mr. Berrien. treasury and of the navy, and of the attorney general, refused to June 22, 1831. Sir: I have not had leisure to reply to your letter of the 18th until to-day. It involved matter which it beloved me to give a full and calin consideration to. That has been given. member of congress allusion was made. Sincerely and truly your Mr. Berrien to cul. Johnson. I felt indisposed to believe that these attacks of gen. Green could be authorised by you, or were made under your sanction. Your declaration is evidence of the correctness of what I was before impressed with. I take occasion, therefore, with pleasure, to acknowledge the frankness with which you have disavowed an agency in this nefarious business. Respectfully, your most obe-ham and myself has been duly received. I have noted your view dient, J. M. Berrien, esq. J. H. EATON. Washington, 23d June 1831. Sir: Your note of yesterday was received in the course of the day. I was too much indisposed, however, to reply to it at the moment, and do so now merely to prevent misconception. In your note of the 17th instant, you called upon me to sane. tion or disavow the statement contained in a publication of the Telegraph of that date. I could not recognise your right to make this demand, but for the reasons mentioned in my reply, I thought it was proper to state to you what I had done, in relation to this matter. To do this was the only object of that note. Washington, 7th July, 1891. of the occurrence to which it relers, with a perfect disposition to You are quite right, however, in believing that I had no ageney in procuring the publication of the statement referred to. And adverting to the spirit of your last note, I have no hesitation in thus confirming the conviction which you have expressed, any regard which you felt for those gentlemen and myself, and by respectfully, To J. H. Eaton, esq. JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN. Shortly after this, I received a letter from col. Johnson, which with my reply, I feel my self bound now to give to the public. I have anxiously desired to delaying it as an attempt to wound him through major Eaton-that this until I could receive col. Johnson's answer. Perhaps I have waited long enough; for my reply, according to the memorandum which I have of it, was dated on the 7th instant. But it is not this circumstance which has determined me. Col. Johnson has furnished to the editor of the Globe a statement full or otherwise, of what passed between Messrs. Branch and Ingham and myself and himself, on the occasion so often referred to. Extracts from this statement are used to do me injustice. This is done, to be sure, without the authority of col. Johnson, but he has furnished the means which are thus improperly used, and I have no alternative but to give the correspondence, or submit to continued misrepresenAation. I publish col. Johnson's letter, as an act of jusfice to him, that the public may be in full possession of his statement. My reply follows; and after this the letter and statement of Mr. Ingham, to whom, as well as to Mr. Branch, I forwarded a copy of col. Johnson's Jetter. From Mr. Branch i have received no reply owing, as I suppose, to his absence from home. I am to speak of what occurred at the interview which took place between you, Messrs. Branch and Ingham, and myself, at my house. You had, as I afterwards understood, held previous couversations on the same subject with one or both of those gentle. men, but I was perfectly unprepared for the interview, until the moment when you announced its object at my house. The im pression made by your annunciation was such as not to be tasily effaced from my memory. You began by expressing the friendstating that this was the motive for your interference. You told us that an impression had teen made upon the mind of the presi dent that a combication existed between Messrs. Ingham, and Branch, and myself, to exclude Mrs. Eaton from the society of Washington-that he was excited by this representation, consider. the president had seen with pain the want of harmony among the members of his cabinet-that he was determined to have harmony, and that his determination would be announced to us in the course of the week. You added that you had in the mean time sought this interview with the approbation of the president, from motives of regard for all parties. You mentioned, as circumstan ces which had contributed to produce this convicti n on the mind of the president, that Messrs. Branch, and Ingham, and myself, had successively given large partics to which Mrs. E. had not been invited-and while you disclaimed any disposition on his part to require an intimacy between our families and that of maj. Eaton, you added, that he would in future expect that at least on such occasions as that to which you had refried, (that is to say, when large or general parties were given), that Mrs. E. should be invited. I replied to you that 1ot having been previously advised of the intention to hold this interview-having had no conference with the other gentlemen, I must be considered solely responsible for what I was about to say. I then observed that I would not permit the president or any other man to regulate the social intercourse of my sell or family-and that if such a requisition was persevered in, I would retire from office. You expressed your regret at the terms of this answer-and I remarked that it was indifferent to me in what terms it was conveyed, provided the substance was retained--but that from this I would not depart. I understood you to disclaim any intention on the part of the president to require an intimate intercourse between the families of Messrs. Branch, and Ingham, and myself, and that of major Eaton, but to express with equal clearness his expectation that when we gave large or general parties Mrs E. should be invited-and it was my purpose to deny altogether his right to interfere in this matter. The replies of the other gentlemen were according to my recǝl lection, substantially the same-but I shall enclose copies of your letter to them, and leave them to speak for themselves. The impression which this conversation made upon my mind is clear and distinct; and it is not probable that it could have been effaced from my memory. My own disposition was instantly to resign my office. In consenting to retain it. I yielded to the opinions of those in whose judgment I had confidence, and to my sense of what was due to the interests of Georgia, at that particular juncture. Col. R. M. Johnson to Messrs. Berrien and Ingham. Great Crossing, 30th June, 1831. Gentlemen: The Telegraph has alluded to some communication made to you by a member of congress, authorised by the president-the substance of which is, that the president wished to coerce a social intercourse between your families and Mrs Eaton. I see the Globe denies it. I have thought it barely possible that the allusion could be made to me, because if I had ever communeated such an idea, I should have done the most palpable, gross, and wanton injustice to the president; for he disclaimed, on all occasions, any right, or desire, or intention, to regulate the private or social intercourse of his cabinet. The president had been induced to believe that part of his cabinet bad entered into a deep Jaid scheme to drive major Eaton from his cabinet, and of this he complained. I did not believe it, and, as the mutual friend of all concerned, I proposed that I should have the opportunity to con- My remembrance of this conversation is moreover confirmed verse with that portion of his cabinet before he had an interview by a recollection of what occurred on my subsequent interview with them, and he acquiesced-and the interview which I had with the president, in which a particular reference was made to with you, resulted, as I understood, in a better understanding, and it. When he spoke of a combination between Messrs. Ingham in fact I considered it a reconciliation. Whatever came from me, and Branch, and myself, to exelude Mrs. E. from society, I claim. upon the subject of a social intercourse, was the suggestions of my ed, as matter of right, to know the names of the persons by whom solicitude to restore harmony among friends. My object was peace such a representation had been made. He said the impression and friendship. I have never considered myself at liberty to say had been derived from the various rumors which had reached him; any thing about this interview except to a discreet and confiden- spoke of the parties which had been given by those gentlemen tial friend. I certainly should not think any of the parties justi- and myself, to which Mrs E. had not been invited-and added fied in representing for publication or newspapers, what any of that the reports against her were foul calumnies. I remonstrated the other parties said, without submitting such statement for mu against his having adopted an opinion dishonorable to any mem tual examination; for the plain reason that such conversations are ber of his cabinet on mere rumor, but expressly declined to discuss so easily misunderstood. I may well remember what I have said the question of the truth or falsehood of the reports to which be myself, but may not so easily represent what you have said, or had referred-telling him, that, without undertaking to decide intended to say. I have not myself seen the necessity or proprie- whether they were true or false, it was my purpose merely to con ty of any allusion in newspapers, to our interview, which was form to the general sense of the community of which I had be among intimate and bosom friends, where the conversation was come a member; and that I could not be induced to change that free and unreserved, and for the object of peace and friendship. determination. The decision of the president not to pursue this But if any should consider it necessary, then the great object matter further, I understood at the time to have been produced should be, to state the conversation correctly; for there can be no by the representations of some of his most intimate personal friends. motive to misunderstand the facts. For fear that allusion should Such is my understanding of the conversation referred to in have been made to myself, as the member of congress, and be your letter. I look to it as the origin and continuing cause of lieving it barely possible that I may have been misunderstood on the distraction of the party, which has thus lost the means of dothe particular point alluded to, I have felt it my duty, and due to ing much good which it might have effected. But I am not de that perfect friendship which has ever existed between us, to make sirous to bruit it to the world. If, without imputing to me the known these views, that the proper correction may be made, as a alleged want of harmony in the cabinet, my retirement is placed misunderstanding, without the necessity of any formal publica. on the ground of the president's mere will, so far as 1 am contion from either of us, and without even a disclosure as to whatcerned, it is well. I do not dispute his right to exercise that as arise. he thinks fit; but, for the sake of my children, I will not submit to the continued misrepresentations of the publie journals. The best legacy I have to tation of their father. I can easily conceive, also, that a state cqueath them is the untarnished repuof things may exist, in which a compel me to speak. But I hope such an emergency will not sense of duty to the public will I ought perhaps to add, that I have already stated to major Eaton the substance of this, so far as it was nee ssary to answer a call which he made upon me to avow or disavow the statement in the Telegraph, that my family had refused to associate with his. It was not necessary however, to mention your name, and it was consequently not mentioned. been had with "a gentleman who represented himself as acting 1 spoke of the interview as having and who I doubt not did act under the authority of the prest deut." Having now replied to your letter, I will only add, that, should our recollections differ, I shall regret it. taken great care not to put down any thing which is not distinctBut that I have ly impressed upon mine. I am, des sir, respectfully, yours, JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN, Hon. R. M. Johnson. Mr. Ingham to col. Johnson. means of removing the alleged difficulties, other than that our Mr. Ingham's statement, a copy of which was enclosed in his let ter to col Johnson. tucky, waited on me in the treasury department, and after some On Wednesday, the 27th of January, 1831, col. Johnson of Kenpreliminary conversation, in which he expressed his great regret that my family, and that of Mr. Branch and Mr. Berrien, did not visit Mrs. Eaton, he said that it had been a subject of great excitement with the president, who had come to the determi nation of having harmony in his cabinet by some accommodation of this matter. He, col. Johnson, was the friend of us all, and had now come at the request of the president to see whether any thing could be done: who thought that when our ladies gave parties they ought to invite Mrs. Eaton, and as they and open a formal intercourse in that way, the president would had never returned her call, if they would leave the first card, be satisfied, but unless something was done of this nature, he had harmony, and would probably remove Mr. Branch, Mr. Berrien, no doubt, indeed he knew, that the president was resolved to have and myself. I replied to col. Johnson, that in all matters of ofmyself bound to maintain an open, frank, and harmonious inter ficial business, or having any connection therewith, I considered ident had a right to expect the exertion of my best faculties, and course with the gentlemen I was associated with. That the prefamily of Mr. Eaton, I felt an obligation on me not to say any the employment of my time, in the public service. As to the thing to aggravate the dithculties which he labored under, but to observe total silence and neutrality in relation to the reports family, and if any other representations had been made to the about his wife, and to inculcate the same course as to my president they were false. Having prescribed to myself this rule, and always acted upon it, I had done all that the president had a right to expect. That the society of Washington was liberally or ganised; there was but one circle, into which every person of re spectable character disposed to be social was readily admitted, withoperated in many other places. That we had no right to exert out reference to the circumstance of birth, fortune, or station which official power to regulate its social intercourse. had never been received by the society here, and it did not beassociated with her, and they had done so with my approbacome us to force her upon it; that my family had therefore not character, to interfere in such matters. tion, and that the president ought not, for the sake of his own But if he chose to exert his power to force my family to visit any body they did the, and no human power should regulate the social intercourse not choose to visit, he was interfering with that which belonged to of my family, by means of official or any other power which unworthy of my station, and would despise myself. That it was I could resist. If I could submit to such control I should be that he did not interfere in such matters, and that the course eminently due to the character of the president to have it known we had pursued was preservative of his honor and political Histration, without any prejudice against major Eaton or his what was due to my family, to my friends, and to the admi wife, and had fully determined not to change it, whatever might be the consequence. That Mrs. Eaton Dear sir-I have received a copy of your letter of the 30th ult. New Hope, July 13th, 1831. to Mr. Berrien and mysel, forwarded by him from Washington, relating to an allegation made in the newspapers, that gen. Jackson had required, through a member of congress, of Messrs. Branch, Berrien, and myself, that our fails should associate with Mrs. Eaton. I had also noticed the publication in the Telegraph to which you refer, and another of the same import in a New York paper of an earlier date, and supposing it probable, in the ex-sting state of the public mind, that the discussion would take such a rauge as to involve all the parties to that transaction in the ne cessity of making expla ations, I had commenced the preparation of copies of a statement of the conversation which you have referred to; as well that between you and me, as that between gen. Jackson and myself on the same sui ject, intending, as soon as they could be completed, to send one to him and another to yourself. Upon the receipt of your letter, I immediately wrote you a note, expressing an intention to wait for the further comparison of our recollections before I made any determination as to the disposition of my statement. But two articles in the Globe of the 11th inst. which you have no doubt sen, reached me before my letter was mailed, and arrested its progress. These articies, as far as they relate to this subject, bear on their face the evidence of having been authorised by general Jackson and yourself, and leave me no choice as to the pucheation of my statement. which I supposed to have been authorised by you, shows that you The article have also taken a different view of this matter since your letter to me before referred to was written. I could not otherwise reconcile your remonstrance against a publication of what you then deemed a confidential conversation, with the authority alleged by the Globe to publish your demak of the statement alluded to; at least, without a previous interchange of recollections between all the parties cone. rned. I do not, however, concur with you in the opinion that there ever was any obligation of secrecy imposed on! me, or those associated with me, to be implied from the friendly character of the conversation referred to. made to me by you that my continuance in office would depend The commu.ication upon the consent of my family to visit Mrs. Eaton and invite her to their large parties. I considered at the time, though not so m-standing. I had taken my ground on mature reflection, as to tended by you, as in its nature offensive. It could not, therefore, carry with it the confidential obligation which belongs to the usual intercourse of friendship. I regarded the proposition as wound. ing to my feelings, and bad determined to resiga my office even alter you informed ine that gen. Jackson had changed his ground, from which I was only dissuaded by the earnest remonstrances of the friends I cousuited, who urged, among other considerations, that although my personal respect for the president might be jmpaired, my services in the department were for the country, and while it was faithfully served, I could not be unfaithful to the adininistration. A proposition thus disposed of could be regarded as any thing rather than imposing an obogation of friendly coundence. But I find an additional reason for publication growing out of your letter; its apparent disagreement from my statement, and its admonitory suggestions could not fail, whenever the whole matter shall be brought out, which is inevitable in the present state of the public mind, to expose me to the imputation of hav-tainly did; and again remarked that it seemed to be useless for ing shrunk from doing what duty to my own character, if not to him to see Mr. Branch and Mr. Berrien. I told him that each of the country, seemed to demand, I cannot therefore accord in your us had taken our course, upon our own views of propriety, with desire that no publication shall be made, any more than 1 can in the views of the obligation of secrecy which you have suggested. for any but myself. He then proposed that I should meet him out concert; and that he ought not to consider me as answering I would prefer, however, to accompany the publication with that at Mr. Branch's, and invite e Berrien that evening at 7 o'clock; of your letter of the 30th ult. but not having received any inti- which was agreed to. Col. J. came to my house about 6, and we mation of your wishes on that subject, it will require some delib.ration to determine what is most proper to be done in this parti went up to Mr. Berrien's, having first sent for Mr. Branch. On cular. I can assure you that this determination will be exclusiveour way to Mr. Berrien's, Col. J. remarked that the president had ly governed by a desire to do what, under all circumstances, may informed him that he would invite Mr. Branch, Mr. Berrien and appear most likely to meet your own wishes. I have now only myself, to meet him on the next Friday, when he would inform to add that in making the statements of these conversations, 1 did not agree to comply with his wishes, he would expect us to us, in the presence of Dr. Ely, of his determination; and if we have relied not merely on the indelible impressions made on my send in our resignations. Upon our arrival at Mr. Berrien's col. memory, but on memoranda put on paper at the time. I have J. renewed the subject in presence of him and gov. Branch, and not the slightest recollection or any note of your having adverted repeated substantially, though, I thought rather more qualitiedly, to any fact or circumstance alleged by general Jackson or your what he had said to me. self, as evidence of unkind feeling for, much less hostility to, or a do I recollect whether he mentioned the president's remarks as conspiracy against maj. Eaton on the part of Mr. Branch, Mr. to the lady above mentioned and Dr. Ely-those gentlemen will He did not go so much into detail, nor Berrien, or myself, or of any want of harmony in the cabinet better recollect. Mr. Branch and Mr. Berrien replied, as uneother than the simple and isolated fact, that our families did quivocally as I had done, that they would never consent to have not visit Mrs. Eaton and invite her to their parties. Nor have the social relations of their families controlled by any power whatI any note or recollection of any proposition made by you to me individually, or jointly with the other gentlemen, as a ever but their own. Mr. Branch, Mr. Berrien and myself, went the same evening to a party at col. Towson's, where a report was Col. J. said that he had been requested by the president to have general also; but, from what I had said, he supposed it would be a conversation with the secretary of the navy and the attorney would have been willing to invite Mrs. Eaton to their large parof no avail. The president had expressed a hope that our families ties, to give the appearance of an ostensible intercourse, adding that he was so much excited that he was like a roaring lion. He had heard that the lady of a foreign minister Lad joined in the conspiracy against Mrs. Eaton, and he had sworn that he would send her and her husband home if he could not put an end to such doings. I replied, that it could hardly be possible that the president contemplated such a step. Col. J. replied, that he cer The next He did not show me; In relation to the statement that the paper drawn up in the hand-writing of the president was shown to me, the denial of which I most explicitly repeat, if charity is to perform her holy office in reconciling these conflicting assertions, it is much more easy to believe that the memory of the president may have failed on this occasion. He saw and conversed with various persons on this subject, and has to rely upon his memory for the fact of having shown this paper to different individuals. Each of those individuals is required only to speak for himself. The nature of the transaction was such that it could not have escaped the recollection of either of them. It was impossible if such a paper had been shewn, not to have demanded, and to have persevered in the demand to have the names of the persons, on whose information the requisition was made. No one would have consented to have the conditions on which he should continue in office prescribed to him, on the ground of a combination, the evidence of which rested An inquiry must have been the conon mere rumor. sequence, and the transaction could not only not have been forgotten by the parties, but would thus have become known to others. I would not myself have retain ed my office a moment after such a paper was exhibited to me. I will not question the intention of the presi dent to have shewn this paper to me, nor his belief that he did so; but that he did not do so, is certain. Those who know me will not doubt the sincerity of this decla ration, and an impartial community will, I trust, perceive no sufficient motive to be deduced, either from my character, or the circumstances of this transaction, for the belief of intentional misrepresentation on my part. At any rate, I have discharged my duty, by bearing this testimony to the truth. I know to what it subjects me; but I rely upon the discernment and the integrity of my countrymen, and will abide the result. JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN, Washington, July 22, 1831. current that we were to be removed forthwith, of which I had no,, kindness towards me, I took my leave. doubt at the time. The next morning, col. J. came to my house or read any paper on the subject. and said that he ought perhaps to have been more frank last even- The public will now, I think, be at no loss to deter ing, and told us positively that the president had finally determine upon the true state of the facts of this case. Mr. mined on our removal from office, unless we agreed at once that our families should visit Mrs. Eaton, and invite her to their large Ingham's very full statement is taken from notes made at the time, and which were shown to me shortly after parties; and that he had made up his mind to designater. Dickins to take charge of the treasury department, and Mr. Ken-they were made. In repeated conversations with Mr. dall to take charge of the navy department, and would find an Branch, our recollections were found to coneur. The attorney general somewhere. I observed that my course was fixed, and could not be changed for all the offices in the president's transaction was of a nature calculated to awaken all gift; and it made no more difference to me than to any other per- my attention, and to impress itself indelibly upon my son whom the president designated to take my place. In the memory. I claim no benefit, therefore, from any sup evening of the same day, colonel J. called again, and informed me posed imperfection of this faculty, and expect to be bethat he had just been with the president, who had drawn up a lieved, because I speak the truth. paper explanatory of what he had intended and expected of us; that some of his Tennessee friends had been with him for seve ral hours: that his passion had subsided, and he had entirely changed his ground: He would not insist on our families visiting Mrs. Eaton; he only wished us to assist in putting down the slanders against her; that he believed her innocent, and he thought our families ought to do what they could to sustain her, if they could not visit her; and that he wished to see me the next day, Colonel J. added that the president had been exceedingly excited for several days, but was now perfectly calm and mild. day I waited on the president, and opened the subject by stating that colonel Johnson had informed me that he wished to see me; to which he assented, and went into a long argument to show how innocent a woman Mrs. Eaton was, and how much she had been persecuted, and mentioned the names of a number of ladies who had been active in this persecution, and that the lady of a foreign minister was also one of the conspirators; adding that he would send her and her husband home, and teach him and his master that the wife of a member of his cabinet was not to be thus treated; that Mrs. E. was as pure and chaste as Mrs. Donelson's infant daughter, but there was a combinaton here among a number of ladies, not those of the beads of departments, to drive her out of society; and to drive her husband out of office; but he would be cut into inch pieces on the rack, before he would suffer him or his wife to be injured by their vile calumnies; that he was resolved to have harmony in his cabinet, and he wished us to join in putting down the slanders against Mrs. Eaton. I observed to the president, that I had never considered it incumbent on me to investigate the character of Mrs. Eaton; such a service did not, in my judgment, come within the scope of my duties to the government; it belonged to society alone to determine such matters. The power of the ad. ministration could not change the opinion of the community, even if it could be properly used to control the relations of do mestic life in any case. The society of Washington must be the best judges of whom it ought to receive I regretted the difficulties which major Eaton labored under, and had felt it to be my duty not to aggravate them. I had intended at an early day to have had a conversation with him on the subject, with a View to have our social relations defined, but no opportunity had offered, without volunteering one, and it had not been done in that way. The course I had taken was, however, adopted with great care, to save his feelings as much as possible, consistently with what was due to my family, and the community with which we were associated. 1 considered the charge of my family to be a sacred trust, belonging exclusively to myself, as a member of society. The administration had nothing to do with it, more than with that of any other individual, and political power could not be properly exerted over their social intercourse, and it was important to his reputation to bave it understood that he did not interfere in such matters. That I was not aware of any want of harmony in the cabinet; I had not seen the slightest symptom of such a feeling in its deliberations, and I was perWashington, 23d July, 1831. fectly certain that my official conduct had never been influeneSIR: In my communication to the public, which aped in the slightest degree by a feeling of that nature. I saw no ground, therefore, for the least change on my part in this repeared in the National Intelligencer of this morning, I spect. To which the president replied, in a changed tone, that he had the most entire confidence in my integrity and capacity in executing the duties of the department, and expressed his perfect satisfaction, in that respect, with my whole conduct; he had never supposed for a moment that my official acts had been influenced in the least degree by any unkind feelings towards major Eaton; and he did not mean to insist on our families visiting Mrs. Eaton: He had been much excited for some time past, by the combination against her, and he wished us to aid him in putting down their slanders, adding that she was ex cluded from most of the invitations to parties; and, when invited, she was insulted; and that the lady of a foreign minister before referred to had insulted her at baron Krudener's party. I remarked, that some injustice might be done to that lady on that occasion; although she might not choose to associate with Mrs. Eaton, I did not think she intended to insult her, she might have supposed that there was some design, not altogether respectful to herself, in the offer of the attendance to supper of the secretary of war, whose wife she did not visit, instead of that of the secretary of state, which, according to the usual prac tice she probably considered herself entitled to. I was present, and saw most of what had happened. She evidently thought herself aggrieved at something, but acted with much dignity on the occasion. I saw no appearance of insult offered to Mrs. Eaton. He replied that he had been fully informed, and knew all about it; and but for certan reasons which he mentioned, he would have sent the foreign minister before refered to, and his wife, home immediately. After some further conversation on this and other matters, in which I considered the president as having entirely waived the demand made through col. Johnson, that my family must visit Mrs. Eaton, as the condition for my remaining in office, and in which he expressed himself in terms of personal From the Telegraph of July 23. mentioned that I had not yet heard from Mr. Branch, to whom I had forwarded a copy of col. Johnson's Jetter. I have now to state that, by the mail of this morning I received a letter from Mr. Branch, dated the 20th instant, in which he says: "You can very well imagine my surprise, on reading the colonel's [Johnson's] letter, from what you yourself My recollections of the interview will experienced. most abundantly corroborate all that you have said." I am, very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, JN. MACPHERSON BERRIEN. To the editor of the Telegraph. In placing the following brief remarks of the editor of the "Globe" in opposition to the statements of Messrs. Berrien, Ingham and Branch—if error ex• ists, it is against the gentlemen named: but we shall not further give room to Mr. Blair's publications, in reply to statements authenticated by substantial names-unless he speaks "by authority," and in or through the names of gentlemen of sufficient grade. It is not to be presumed that three members of the late "cabinet," referring to things which happened to themselves, should enter into a controversy with the editor of the Globe, recently arrived at Washington, under peculiar circum. stances, and who cannot be presumed to know any thing |