majority of the court had arrived, but not concurring in the views taken in the opinion which had been read. Mr. Justice Johnson also delivered a separate opinion on the question. Our own opinion on the subject is of little consequence; but the reasoning of the court upon the constitutional provisions bearing upon the case, appeared to us to be conclusive. And on the 20th, had the following paragraphThe Cherokee nation, vs. the state of Georgia. We pathos, and in which the sympathies of his auditory were completely enlisted, by expressing his confidence that the court would grant the injunction required, as the last stay and hope of an unfortunate and much injured people. The court was considerably crowded throughout the day; some of the Cherokee delegation were presentone of whom, of very intelligent and respectable appearance, shed tears copiously during Mr. Wirt's address. No one, when we left, had appeared on the part of Georgia. [Mr. Sergeant was very able, and listened to with de-are informed that Mr. Peters, the reporter of the decisions light. Of Mr. Wirt's speech, as continued on Monday, a correspondent of the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, thus speaks The peroration was sublime, indeed. I scarcely ever heard addressed to that august tribunal a more pathetic appeal. I looked upon the judges, who were all solemn, and evidently deeply affected by the contrast the orator drew between the condition of that gallant tribe,when they roamed through their native hills and vales, the acknowledged and undisputed lords of their wild domains, with that which has brought them humble suppliants to the government of the United States, for protection against the encroachments of their neighbors. I then turned my eyes upon Taylor, Coody, and Ridge, who have been here to prosecute their suit, ever since the meeting of the court. I could not stand the effect of the very first glimpse of their confiding, yet anxious countenances, and sought relief from the pressure of my sympathy in a flood of tears."] The "National Intelligencer" with reference to the same subject, says, "Mr. Wirt delivered in that case, on Monday last, one of the most splendid discourses ever pronounced in that court, and as powerful in argument as it was beautiful in diction. The result is thus stated in the same paper of the 19thThe supreme court of the United States terminated its annual session yesterday. Among the decisions pronounced previous to the adjournment, was one upon the application, on the part of the Cherokee nation, for an injunction to stay certain proceedings of the state of Georgia. The decision of the court was an unequivocal denial of the injunction. The opinion of the court was read by chief justice Marshall, and is therefore to be presumed to be from his luminous mind and pen. We have not been able to obtain it for publication, anxiously as we desired to do We heard it read, however, and shall venture so far to report the grounds of it, as to state, that the court disclaims jurisdiction of the case, on the ground that the Cherokee nation is not a foreign nation, in the sense of the constitution. These Indian nations, it is the opinion of a majority of the court, are not sovereigns, indepen dent of the sovereignty of the United States, but domestic dependent nations, in a state of "pupilage" to the United States, or in a relation corresponding to that which wards have to their guardians. The supreme court, therefore, cannot take cognizance of cases to which it is sought to make them parties as nations. With respect to the rights of the Cherokees, however, as individuals, to the lands guarantied to them, it was pretty distinctly intimated in the opinion of the court, that there is a mode by which they may be brought be fore the supreme court for adjudication. The opinion went on to say, that, if the objection to entertaining jurisdiction in this case were not fatal to the application, there were other grounds on which an application for the interference of this court in the case would encounter grave objections. If jurisdiction was exercised in the case, it must be on the ground that the Cherokees are a foreign nation; and the relations between foreign powers and the states are placed in the charge of a different branch of the government. For this court to undertake to arbitrate such questions, would be to assume a political power not intended to be vested in it! If it were true, as argued, that the Cherokee nation is oppressed by the state of Georgia &c. &c. it belonged not to this court (the opinion concluded), but to other tribunals, to assert their rights and to redress their wrongs. Mr. Justice Baldwin delivered a very long separate opinion, agreeing entirely in the conclusion to which the of the supreme court, intends to publish this case immediately, in a separate volume from the reports of the term, as well as to include the case in the fifth volume of the reports. He has made arrangements by which the whole of the arguments, in the language of the counsel, will be given to the public; that of Mr. Wirt having been taken down by a stenographer engaged for the purpose. The proposed publication will also comprehend other interesting matter connected with the case. The public will look with deep interest for this publication, of a case which has attracted so much attention, and excited so much sensibility, rising of the supreme court-the Charlestown bridge, vs. Another great case was discussed shortly before the the Warren bridge at Boston. Messrs. Dutton, (of Boston), and Mr. Webster, on the one part, against Mr. Jones (of Washington) and Mr. Wirt, on the other. It was a war of giants. It was Mr. Dutton's first essay in this court, and is spoken of in terms of high commendation-as impressive, logical, and classical. Mr. Jones is well known to the public as one of the ablest advocates. Of Messrs. Webster and Wirt it is needless to say a word, except that they displayed the utmost of their mighty powers. We have not yet heard the decision of the court. The public mind is much agitated because of a report, that chief justice Marshall, on account of his advanced age, and increasing infirmities, is about to resign. At the present period such proceeding would be regarded as a national calamity. Who may take his place in the public confidence? who grasp that moral power which he holds in his hands-by the steadiness, firmness and abi lity displayed in his long and useful life? It makes one melancholy to reflect, that such men as John Marshall must grow old, become infirm and die! We are glad to believe that judge Marshall, doned the idea of retirement for the present. yielding to the remonstrances of the people, has aban STATE RIGHTS AND SO FORTH! Not long since, Mr. Blair, of South Carolina, made a speech in the house, of which the following sentences are a part: South Carolina will do every thing; nay, she has done every thing that the federal compact, honor and patriotism require of her; and after this, if the worst must come, why, in God's name, let it come! If those who ought to cherish her as an old revolutionary_sister and confederate, regardless of their common sufferings and dangers, their joint achievements, and their blended glory, still per severe in ungenerous and unhallowed attempts to beggar and enslave her, she will defy you, sir. What! will she again remonstrate? Yes sir, she will remonstrate, in terms as vivid as the lightning's flash, and in a voice as loud as heaven's thunder. ["As loud as heaven's thunder"-GOD BLESS US!! The Georgia Journal has the subjoined remarks in relation to the application recently made to judge Evans, to restrain the tax collector from collecting the tax inposed by the state upon the dividends arising from U. S. bank stock owned by citizens of this state: "Another collision.-South Carolina and the United States government, are in a fair way to get at loggerheads on another subject besides the tariff. We will wait' with anxiety to see the upshot of the business. South Carolina will now have a fair opportunity of showing whether she can act with the promptness and decision which Georgia displayed in the Tassels case. If South Carolina would talk less-but we forbear to reproach, of oysters-and, by the following article from the "Cenher." And the Columbia Times speaks of it in the following modest strain: "It is known that at the last session of the legislature, an act was passed taxing the dividends of the US. Bank. An application was lately made to judge Evans, in Charleston, to restrain the tax gatherer from collecting the said tax, on the ground of its unconstitutionality. It was immediately dismissed. An appeal was taken to the court of appeals now sitting in that city, and the decision of the judge below promptly confirmed. We suppose it will go now into the supreme court of the United States, who will undertake, doubtless, to nullify our law. It is to be hoped that the court of appeals will refuse to certify its proceedings to the U. S. court. Let us see if we alone of all the states, are to be eternally defied and trampled on, because we happen to have an uncommonly large minority of federalists, who will sustain all measures of the general government tending to put down those of the republicans. This is the use of Georgia over again Are we too proud, or too poor spirited, to follow her example? The 25th section of the judiciary act is unconstitutional, and should not be obeyed. South Carolina has an unlimited right to tax all property of every species within her sovereign limits, and must be sustained in it against any privileged body of aristocrats, public or private." From the Lynchburg Jeffersonian Republican. The advocates of American monarchy, under the gentler term consolidation, have labored hard to prove that the state rights party, and its doctrines, are alone. dangerous to our existence as a republic. Their arguments are cunning insinuations, and false imputations of motive. They will not condescend to reason; but declaim in filthy words, and deal about the slang wang of their party, for the purpose, not of enlightening, but of misleading the understanding. treville Times," it seems possible that Maryland and Pennsylvania may be in the same condition! We are quite willing to supply our neighbors of Philadelphia with some of our good oysters, if obtained honestlybut must and will resist the rascally practice of catching them with "drags," which destroys the breed and renders a permanent injury to all parties. In this respeet, we really hope that the laws of Maryland will be supported-but do not like the idea of calling Philadelphia vessels, "foreign" ones. "We understand that several oyster sloops, (probably a dozen), are now engaged in scouring the shores of the Chester river for oysters. These boats, it is said, are from Philadelphia, and are completely armed for defence, knowing that they are violating the laws of the state, which makes it a punishable offence for any foreign vessels to fish for oysters in any of the waters of this state. The instruments used for oystering, are the drags (likewise a violation of an act of assembly), and a punishable offence. Great excitement exists amongst our citizens, who are at a loss how to proceed in the matter. "Would it not be wise for the proper authorities to appoint an armed vessel, to scour the shores of our rivers and apprehend these marauders? What is the use of legislation if such fellows are allowed to pilfer our oysters in defiance of law and order. We hope something will soon be done in this matter." LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK. Distribution of the surplus revenue-The following resolutions heretofore offered by the committee of ways and means, of which Mr. Selden is chairman, were. lately called up in the assembly by Mr. Selden, and were passed without debate and unanimously. Resolved, If the senate concur, that the surplus revenues of the United States, beyond what shall be deemed by congress necessary for the expenses of the general government, and a proper provision for public defence and safety, ought to be annually distributed among the several states according to their population, to be estimated in the manner pointed out by the second section of the first article of the constitution, for the apportionment of representatives and direct taxes. Our country is called "the United States" that is, a union of the states, not a union of all the people of the states, as one great and undistinguished mass, but a union of the several states, each considered as individual bodies politic. How then is this union of the states to be destroyed? It may be destroyed by dismemberment-that is by cutting them loose from each other, and leaving them as they originally were, separate and Resolved, If the senate concur, that the governor be distinct, and independent sovereignties. But is this the desired to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions, only way in which this union of the states may be de- to the executives of the states, to be laid before their stroyed? Certainly not. It may be destroyed, by merg- respective legislatures, with a request that they will ing all these states into one great state-that is, by con- take the same into consideration, and transmit the resolidation. These are the two extremes of our sys-sult of their proceedings to this and the other states, tem-and which is the more dangerous. In order and to the president of the United States, to be laid be fore congress. to produce dismemberment, there must be an open, public, and unconcealed action. In order to produce consolidation, there not only must be, but is actually now going on, a secret underhanded, and silent action, which is concealed from the people. Which of the two is the more dangerous, a secret enemy who stabs in the dark, or an open enemy who strikes at mid-day? Let the man of sense answer. The truth is, the doctrine of consolidation, with which the federalists are so much pleased, is dangerous in two respects. It not only threatens the country with a monarchy, but in case it fails in that, its natural tendency, is to force a dismemberment. A dissolution of the union will never take place, unless the doctrine of consolidation forces it. In that is comprehended all the active and dangerous elements of disunion. It threatens the people in the same way that a proud and imperious man threatens his neighbor-"Submit, or I will knock you down." If he submits, he is dishonoured-if he does not he is still worse off. This is a new reading of the constitution of the United States-our copy of that instrument says-"we the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union," &c. "do ordain and establish this constitution," &c. The states are not mentioned in the power existing to "establish" the constitution, though it was ratified by them. LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA. In the last REGISTER, page 56, we inserted sundry resolutions concerning the "American system," or a protecting tariff, which passed the house of representatives with only two votes in the negative against 87 in the af firmative, and the word "ju-di-ci-ous" being refused a place in them, though offered by way of amendment!and these resolutions being taken up in the senate, on the 14th instant were passed unanimously. Mr. Burden offered the following resolution to the senate "That whereas the bank of the United States has tended in a great degree to maintain a sound and uniform currency; to facilitate the financial operations of the government; to regulate foreign and domestic exchange, and has been conducive to commercial prosperity, that the legislature of Pennsylvania recommend a renewal of its charter under such regulations and restrictions as to the power of the respective states as congress may deem right and proper.' Mr. Ingersoll's resolution which was postponed in the house, differs in some respects from the foregoing; it is as follows:-"Resolved as the sense of the senate and house of representatives, that the constitution of the United States and near half a century's experience, sanctions a bank of the United States, as necessary and proper to New York and New Jersey have nearly been in mor-regulate the value of money and prevent paper currency tal combat, because of "state-rights" and the catching of unequal and depreciated value." A letter to the editor of the Philadelphia "Sentinel," proceed to Odessa; a voyage of three days, and make dated Harrisburg, March 15, saysthe necessary arrangements there for the reception of our vessels; having accomplished this, I returned to Constantinople on my way to Smyrna, where I was to embark. Mr. Burden's resolution recommending a renewal of the charter of the United States bank, passed unanimous ly this morning, in the senate; there was no discussion upon it, and there was no necessity, as the conduct, capacity, and advantages to the community of that institution, were fully and ably examined on the question yesterday. The resolution of Mr. Ingersoll, on the same subject, having been postponed in the house of representatives, it was taken for granted, in New York, that Pennsylvania was opposed to the bank of the United States, and accordingly a committee was raised in the New York legislature, who have reported resolutions against the renewal of the charter. The resolution offered by Dr. Burden, and unanimously passed by the senate of this state, will show that the bank is popular, and that Pennsylvania is anxious that the charter shall be renewed. The "Harrisburg Reporter," speaking of the resolutions of Messrs. Ingersoll and Burden, has the following queer remarks-throughout the debate, interesting, animated and occasionally even sharp or personal, in the house of representatives, on the subject of the bank of the United States, not a sentiment was expressed from any quarter towards general Jackson, but of attachment and the highest respect; nor was a single word uttered by any one against the bank of the United States. The argument generally was that the chosen president of Pennsylvania might find it consonant with his views of the public good, to keep the bank of the United States, and the mint of the United States, where they now are, in the commercial metropolis of Pennsylvania, and not suffer any movement to supplant those institutions to the detriment of this state." [The president has twice most earnestly suggested to congress, even at this early period, the destruction of the bank of the United States; and it is morally certain that he will refuse to sign a bill renewing the charter, if it shall come before him, being re-elected to the high office that he holds. We call the remarks "queer," because that Pennsylvania is in direct and rigid opposition to the favorite measures of the "chosen president of Pennsylvania."] THE ARABIAN HORSES. In the house of representatives-February 22. The following message was received from the president of the United States: To the congress of the United States: On reaching the capital, I had several interviews and communications with my former Turkish friends, and suggested other improvements in their system, very gratifying to them. Al Being informed by the reis effendi, that permission would be granted me to export one or more Arabian horses; and conceiving, that whilst it would be a personal object to myself, it would also be a benefit to our country if I succeeded in conveying one to the United States. I visited the studs of many of the nobility in order to select some, and was on the eve of closing for the purchase of two, when the circumstance coming to the knowledge of the sultan, he, on the 31st of August, directed four horses to be sent in his name. though this was evidently not intended as a present to me in my official capacity, since the ministers were aware I could not accept them as such, still the gift was one that could not be returned without giving offence. Being well informed, that to refuse them would be considered an insult to the sultan, and would doubtless be attended with injury to the interests of the United States, and Mr. Narvoni, as well as others, assured me, that I must take them away from Constantinople, if I should cut their throats and throw them overboard the next day. I was consequently obliged to take them, and relinquish the purchase of those I had selected. I immediately had the four horses appraised by competent judges, on the spot, and took them with me to Smyrna. Having no funds of the United States, or the means of raising them to pay for their expenses and passage to America, I shipped them as a commercial adventure in the name of, and for account of the owners of the vessel in which they came, and from whom I had secured, an individual credit on London previous to leaving the United States. The horses are consequently in their possession, but if the United States have a claim for their value, I presume those gentlemen will pay it over, should they sell for more than the expenses attending them, which of course are very considerable, So far as regards myself, I am ready to transfer to the United States, any right, title, or interest I may have in them, should it be required. With great respect, I have the honor to be your obedient servant, CHAS. RHIND. To the president of the United States. I submit herewith to congress a letter from Mr. The subject was referred to the committee on foreign Rhind, stating the circumstances under which he re-affairs. [No decision was had on the subject.] ceived the four Arabian horses, that were brought by "SIGNS OF THE TIMES:" OR POLITICS OF THE DAY. We have thought that a page or two given up to articles extracted from the belligerent newspapers, because of the "Calhoun correspondence," might interest our readers and be useful for reference. The present is a mere collection of scraps, from both sides, without order. We expect hereafter to give some of the regular set-toos of the "Telegraph" and "Globe," &e. Finding, during my residence at Constantinople, that our Turkish friends were far behind us in many imThe stolen letter.-How a certain confidential letter from presiprovements, I suggested to the ministers several which dent Monroe to Mr. Calhoun got into the hands of general Jackwere of great use to them; and after closing the busi-son, without the consent or knowledge of Mr. Calhoun, is still a mystery. The Washington Telegraph thus closes a reply to the ness of the negotiation, much of my time was occupied New York Standard, on the subject:in giving them drafts, schemes and elucidations. The sultan, I understood, took great interest in these sug gestions, and many inquiries were made of me, by his request, to all of which I afforded the best explanation in my power. It being customary at that court, for the person who negotiates a treaty, to remain there until the ratifications are exchanged, or by express assent of the porte, to leave a person in his place, I was therefore, under the necessity of appointing Mr. Narvoni to that station, and presented him in that capacity to the reis effendi. I shortly thereafter took final leave of the Turkish ministers. Finding that no vessel would leave Turkey for the United States prior to the first of September, I determined, instead of remaining idle at Constantinople, to "As we have said, it has been seen that names in this matter are of congress, and of the person who assumed to be Mr. Calhoun's substantial things; and it may be that the names of the member friend, would cast much light upon this subject, and enable the publie to determine how far their agency goes to prove or disprove a plot. It is argued that, because they professed to set with Mr. Calhoun's consent, therefore there was no plot. If this argument be good, the fact that they acted without Mr. Calhoun's know. ledge and against his consent, is conclusive proof that there was a plot. And we ask the editor of the Standard what he will say if it shall appear that the letter was purloined, and that, so far from acting under the sanction of Mr. Calhoun, this professed friend, after travelling from Washington to Nashville for the purpose of placing the letter in the hands of general Jackson, travelled to Albany to report progress? We believe that all this will appear, if the names be given. We ask for the name, not only of the member of congress, but also of bim who, the Stanthe Standard do us the favor to republish this article, and give to dard says, "can tell how he got the letter." Will the editor of it a fair and candid answer? Letter to the editor of the Albany Argus, dated house of representatives, Washington, Feb. 28. "The newspapers will inform you of the passage in the house of representatives of the bill authorising a subscription on behalf of congress for the public documents proposed to be published This measure has often been before atby Gales and Seaton. tempted, and defeated. The expense will be great; precisely what, cannot now be estimated; but from 50,000 to 100,000 dollars, as the series shall be more or less complete and extensive. At a distance, it may not be easy to believe, what however is apparent here, that the treacherous political conduct of the editor of the Telegraph has most efficiently aided, and indeed caus ed, this heavy and doubtful appropriation in favor of printers, Until its exercise the avowed opponents of the administration. was attempted, no one supposed that Green bad so little influence with the house. Gales and Seaton will owe much to the odium felt by all honorable men at the low cunning and miserable duplicity of Green in deserting and opposing, while he professed to support general Jackson. It is questionable, before the public manifestation of his treachery, if this bill could have obtained within twenty votes of a majority. To the odium attached to his faithlessness, he added the effrontery, with a view to defeat the bill, to send to the house through the speaker, a notice that he proposed to print these documents, without relying on the patronage of congress, and requesting leave to use the documents of the house in the prosecution of the work. No one believed that he would do this without reference to congressional aid, either immediately or remotely; or that he designed to attempt it at all, if by the proffer be could defeat the bill; but several were entiafica, by the offer that he at least believed a reprint of the documents to be required. Such republican members as were of this latter opinion preferred to vote for Gales and Seaton, though avowed opponents, rather than afford the least countenance to such an individual as the conduct of the editor of the Telegraph proves him to be: and the opposition members of course voted for the appropriation. But even the conduct of Green could not change the votes of the republicans of the New York delegation. The few republican members of the house who voted for the bill, did so from a strong conviction that a re-print +was necessary. From the Lynchburg Virginian. show respect for the feelings, and regard for the fame and character of gen. Jackson, or a desire to promote the union and preJackson's strength, and defies all opposition to him? Is not this serve the harmony of the party? Who is it that boasts of general done by Mr Van Buren's partisans? Who is it that whilst he la hours to build up presses devoted to himself and opposed to Mr. Calhoun, labors to destroy this press? And why does he do so? Is it not because he has ascertained that our support of general Jackson is independent of the line of safe precedent? Why has Mr. Van Buren established the Globe? Why have that press, and all the other presses in the same interest, been incessant in their attacks upon Mr. Calhoun? From the Albany Argus, March 8. It has been significantly asked, why the publication of the vice president, about which rumor spoke so freely for months before its appearance, was delayed until so near the adjournment, and until after the election of the editor of the U. S. Telegraph as printer to congress? Another question, not less significant, has been asked, and that is, why the Telegraph, so tame and so amiable, towards all parties, during all the session, previous to the election of printer, became, so soon as its appointment was secured, the assailant, without cause or justification, of those who contributed to that appointment, and of their friends, and so much in favor (if we may judge from their eulogies) of those who voted against it? It is not strange, perhaps, under such circumstances, that the Telegraph and its friends, feel somewhat sensitive under any imputations of "duplicity," nor that they seek to disguise under an ideal "plot." a premeditated but artfully concealed attempt to disturb the har mony and divide the friends of the administration. From the Globe. "We have seen enough of private letters and public papers to satisfy us, that Mr. Calhoun's ill advised attempt to bring his pri vate quarrels into the public discussions of the country, has utterly destroyed all chance for his political advancement, which his "nullification" had left." "The nullification party unite in the scheme of the coalition, and strive to persuade the people that they do not assail the presi dent, but those to whose arts they pretend he is a victim. They would have us to believe that he is under control, because they found on a memorable occasion, that no artifice could deceive "We leave the reader to form his own opinions on the facts sub-him, or any influence swerve him from the great cause of the mitted. Since the correspondence first appeared, an opportuni ty has been afforded in some degree to ascertain the public sentiment in different quarters. Every public print without excep tion speaks in high terms of the conduct of Mr. Calhoun, with the significant saving of those which print the laws under the appointment of Mr. Van Buren. And from our knowledge of the human character, we venture to say, that few of that stamp will be found to justify the vice president. Other facts have been brought to light since the first publica tion. Mr. Forsyth has appeared under his own name as the friend of Mr. Crawford. The letter of the latter gentleman to Mr. Cal-friends, the president from sympathy, would catch the contagion, houn has been published with a reply from that individual, followed by a notification from the secretary of state himself. Such a detestable plot to undermine the character of any man, has never appeared before the eyes of any people. The president has been basely imposed upon by the cunning contrivers of this political intrigue. But woe be to them, if he should detect their artifices-and he will detect them. His sense of justice will make the plotters tremble. From the Maine Democrat. The Telegraph has been very zealous of late in its endeavors to create an impression that Mr. Van Buren was the chief instigator of what the Telegraph has been pleased to term a "plot" to alienate the feelings of the president from Mr. Calhoun. The course of the Telegraph induced Mr. Van Buren to send a note to its editor, in which he denied all knowledge of or participation in the affair. In answer to this, the editor of the Telegraph takes occasion to charge Mr. Van Buren with falsehood. A more shameful and abusive attack than that of the Telegraph upon Mr. Van Buren we have seldom seen-and coming from a source "professedly" friendly to the administration, it was well calcuJated to excite surprise. We are persuaded that all such attempts to prejudice the reputation of Mr. Van Buren will prove abortive. He stands too high in the estimation of the people to suffer any disparagement from the insinuations of the editor of the Telegraph or any of his abettors, however exalted their station, or ardent their pretended attachment to the democratic cause. We had prepared an article on this subject, but are compelled to defer it by a press of other matter. From the United States Telegraph. country, and induce him to give his countenance to the interested schemes of partisans, however they might prof. ss devotion to himself. The pubic have not forgotten the celebrated nullifying dinner got up under the pretence of commemorating the princi ples of the patriot Jefferson, and to which the patriot Jackson was invited to lend the sanction of his presence. Toasts and speeches were prepared to recommend the new doctrines to which the vice president had committed himself in the south, and they were so artfully disguised in the garb of state rights, that it was supposed, amidst the enthusiasm and applause of surrounding and unite in preclaiming the principles of nullification, or in other words, the right of one state to dissolve the union. A copy of the toasts were placed at the pate of the president, that he might be prepared to join in the spirit of the proceeding; but no sooner bad he run his eye over the paper than he endorsed on the back of it his own commentary, and put his veto upon it. This was like the night attack on the enemy, on the 23d of December. He rebuked at once, the politicians who sought to entrap him, through the consenting feelings natural to such an occasion, by his peremptory toast-"The federal union must be preserved. From that moment Mr. Calhoun felt that his principles were out And he resolved to take the ground that the president of favor. was the victim of political intriguers," when he found him superior to all intriguers. He found that no flattery nor management on the part of himself or his friends could bend the noble-minded and single hearted patriot to give the weight of his character and station to the designs of artful and ambitious partisans, and he has sought, through every avenue, to destroy that influence which he could not propitiate to his purpose. The good sense of the people will foil him in this, as the good sense of the president foiled his first attempt." From the Richmond Enquirer. "The friends of the administration are awake in Virginia. No specious pretexts will now blind their vision: no insidious artifices will betray them into mischief. Did the slightest delusion remain, the manifesto before us would purge away the film. We must avoid divisions; Virginia will support the cause of Andrew Jackson-but as to the selection of his successor, she will trust to the wisdom of futurity. Who will bind himself at this moment to the car of Mr. Van Buren, or John C. Calhoun, or any other man? Who will now say what he will do in this matter, some The secretary of state would persuade the people that he has no other object than the re-election of general Jackson, and the four years hence-when circumstances may be materially alter good of the party. Why then does he labor to force Mr. Cal-ed-and the characters of men are better developed. They may houn into opposition? Why did he issue his orders to all his laugh at us, and say "you are a fence man-What! not declare presses to open a bitter and uncompromising war upon Mr. Cal. which of the aspirants you will support? Are you afraid to com houn, and that, too, before the publication of the correspondence? mit yourself? Are you waiting to see which is to be the strongHas he no "motive?" We may well imagine that general Jack est side? We can abide the laugh-and even the sneers of our son could have no sufficient motive for assailing Mr. Calhoun; opponents. We know what they are worth-and we can despise their artifices. But, no man who regards the interests of his counBut is it so with Mr. Van Buren? Who does not see that Mr. Van Buren wishes to fight the war for the succession now? Who try, will now recklessly commit himself to the banners of the white or the red rose, before they are fairly displayed in the field. does not see that, by making an issue between general Jackson and Mr. Calhoun, he brings the weight of gen. Jackson's popu ought to go for the great interests of the country, not for the larity and the fears of the party to bear on Mr. Calhoun's future petty views of individuals-to save the constitution, if we can, and not to serve the personal ambition of a candidate. Men are prospects, and thereby impairs his strength in a future, contemplated contest? Who is it that labors to make the issue between mutable, but principles are eternal." general Jackson and Mr. Calhoun? It is not Mr. Callioun or his friends. Is it not Mr. Van Buren and his presses that are con stantly placing general Jackson in the front rank? Does this We Remarks on the above, from the Political Arena. We are under no necessity to inform the intelligent reader, whence we extract the above-He will recognize in it immediatel ly the genius of the Enquirer-It savors somewhat of armed neu dall is manifest. That is, Mr. Kendall does know all about the es trality, for the present at least. We are not surprised the En-tablishment of the Globe, we admit. He now pretends that "but quirer should have taken alarm at the discovery that Mr. Cal- for intrigues hostile to general Jackson himself, to the peace, use houn has ten friends in Virginia to Van Buren's one-It is not too fulness, and effciency of his administration, of which the editor [of the Telegraph] was the principal agent, the establishment of late for Mr. Ritchie to choose the stronger side in the approaching war of the succession. In the mean time, until "the charac- this paper [the Globe] would have been discouraged, and, it is ters of men are better developed," he acts wisely in keeping presumed would never have taken place." Here, we have the distinct assertion of Mr. Kendall, that the up the clamor for the nominal head of the government. Witnessing daily the realisation of his prophetic declaration about editor of the Telegraph was engaged in intrigues hostile to ge the "curse," we reverence Mr. R. as a seer, and should rely upon neral Jackson, and that "his designs, intrigues, conversations, and his oracular assertion that "Virginia will support the cause of A. correspondence for the last eighteen months. which have not been Jackson," were it not that all the Calhoun men seem to think concealed from the real friends of the administration," is the cause that by electing general Jackson again, they would ensure the of the origin of the Globe. Here is a bold avowal that the Globe was established to put down the Telegraph. Now Mr. Kendall succession of Van Buren. "Men are mutable"-sad truism! fully illustrated, in times past knows that the editor of the Telegraph has it in his power to and present, by Mr. Ritchie himself "Principles are eternal"- prove by evidence, which neither he or Mr. Blair dare controvert, they are so doubtless, but adherence to them by Mr. Ritchie, de- that this statement is utterly untrue. But, if Mr. Kendall is so pends upon circumstances-Messrs. Tazewell and Tyler acted up well informed of the correspondence of the editor of the Telegraph, he can certainly produce some positive proof of the into this motto, and incurred the displeasure of the Enquirer. trigues which he alleges have been carried on for eighteen months. We hereby release all persons whatever, from any injunction of secrecy, and defy Mr. Kendall to produce a single letter, or to adduce a single conversation, however confidential, which will sustain his charge. We thus remove all impediment, and challenge the proof. Having done so, we defy the editors of the Globe to do the same thing, for themselves, their counsellors, aiders, and abettors. We ask of the press throughout the United States the sheer justice of republishing this article. From the same. From the Richmond Enquirer. The gentlemen who are so anxious to press the friends of Mr. Clay in the legislature [of Virginia to bring out resolutions approving the course of our senators, not with the view of doing honor to them, but of embarrassing the administration, are respectfully requested to pause in their movements, and survey the ground more carefully before them, than they have yet done in any of the consultations of any caucus.-Thiey ought to see how easy it is for the friends of the administration to tack to their resolution a "nevertheless," or a "notwithstanding" this one error on the part of general Jackson-an error too not without precedent in the acts of its wisest predecessors; yet "Resolved," &c. &c. that he, the said Andrew Jackson, cominands the confidence of the legislature of Virginia, &c. &c. Thus, the friends of the original resolution will either be compelled to vote against their own project, or swallow along with it the bitter pill of an expression of the avowed confidence of the legislature in the acts PLOT & COUNTER-PLOT. of the administration. From "the Globe," of March 19. The Telegraph continues its attacks on the Globe in the absence of the editor. On Thursday, that paper asks, among other silly questions, "Why has Mr. Van Buren established the Globe?" The writer of this knows all about the establishment of the Globe; and he avers, that Mr. Van Buren had no more agency in it than Mr. Calhoun. It is not, and never has been pledged to the present or ultimate support of Mr. Van Buren. If the editor of the Telegraph would take a retrospect of his own designs, in trigues, conversations, and correspondence, for the last eighteen months, which have not been concealed from the real friends of the administration, he would not look to the future interests of the secretary of state for the origin of the Globe. But for intrigues, hostile to general Jackson himself, to the peace, useful ness and efficiency of his administration, of which that editor was the principal agent, the establishment of this paper would have been discouraged, and, it is presumed, would never have taken place. We need not dwell upon the condition general Jackson would have been placed in on a recent occasion, had he been obliged to rely altogether on such friends as the Telegraph! Guilt is always suspicious. Real plotters and intriguers think every body else is plotting and intriguing also. In this case, they have endeavored to conceal their schemes in the loudness of their denunciations against others. They may thank themselves for the establishment of the Globe; and others will thank its editor for the promptitude with which he has aided in turning the effects of their ambitious plans, with irresistible force, upon their own heads. Public sentiment.-We discover that the opposition are much gratified at the warfare which Mr. Van Buren is now waging against Mr. Calhoun and this press. The Globe has paraded extracts from a few presses, chiefly those who publish by authority, as evidence of public sentiment. To us this conflict is painful. We cannot close our eyes to the nauseating effects which the exposure of such an intrigue is to produce. We are desirous to ter minate the war, but to do this, we must act upon the principle which gave success to general Jackson. We will march into the enemy's territory, nor will we withdraw our forces until he be vanquished. We now have an admission of the purpose for which the Globe was established, and the public must be satisfied that we have had from the first no other alternative but the most humiliating vassalage, or a war of extermination. We are resolved to silence the enemy's batteries. We have abundant material, and all that we ask is a patient hearing, and a decision according to our merits. We have a right to expect this at the hands of our readers. From the U. S. Telegraph, of March 22. Amos Kendall & Co. are busily engaged in undermining the popularity of general Jackson. Take the following specimen from the New York Courier, which is but a response to the eleetioneering letters of the fourth auditor. From the Courier and Enquirer. "The coalition papers say, that twenty two Virginian members of congress have seceded from Jackson's administration. Let em. Virginia will set matters right; or, if she don't, it is no matter-we can get along without her. Maine and New Hampshire are Jackson-Vermont, New Jersey, and Connecticut, will soon be Jackson." He knows but little of the character of Old Virginia, who can believe that she will patiently bear such insults. The following is another specimen from the same press: That every state in the union has a deep regard, an unfeigned veneration for Virginia, all will freely and cheerfully admit. Good old Virginia, the land of great spirits gone to better worlds! but the aristocracy of that democratic state are becoming troublesome, thrusting their long line of ancestry continually in your face, talking of their state as the "republic," "a bold and fearless race, &c. &c. as if there was no other state throughout this great confederacy. It is amusing and yet provoking to see the old tinselthe thread-bare laced ruffles- and pinked heel shoes of the "ancien regime" elbowing everybody aside to take the lead, and such men as Tazewell and Tyler enveloping themselves in the mantles of Washington, Jefferson, and Madison-strutting through the senate and crying make way for the "republic" of Virginiamake way for Hamlet the Dane. Every Virginian of indepenimpudent inflated efforts to bring their state into disrepute. But Mr. Tyler has said no one finds fault with kimself or colleague; flatter Clay they, it is imagined are unaccountable agents:-have a right to oppose Adams to-day, support Jackson to-morrow, the next day, and finally charge the president with committing "lawless acts:" they presume to think that they can take any protean shape they please, support or oppose any party, break down the democracy of the country and join Webster and the tariff men, and because they were born in the "republic" of Virginia, no fault is to be found with them! From "the Globe," of March 19.-[ Communicated.] The plot of "six weeks deliberation," is finally developed, and foiled. The publication of Mr. Calhoun's pamphlet was well timed. The excitement it was expected to produce in Virginia, might be at its zenith about the adjournment of congress; and the Virginia legislature, presumed to be on the eve of adjournment about the same time, might be induced to act precipitately upon the first impressions of the book-a anion of Mr. C's personal friends with the opposition in the legislature might over persuade a majority of that body to nominate Mr. Calhoun for the president and manly bearing must flout such empty pretenders, such dency; and a great triumphal dinner given to Mr. Calhoun by the members of the legislature on his passing through Richmond, might go far to prepossess the state, and supplant general Jackson in the affections of the people. But it has all turned out to be a hair brained delusion. The resolutions to nominate Mr. Calhoun were only thought of, to be abandoned by his adherents as idle and ridiculous excess of vanity; and Mr. Calhoun has passed through Richmond, receiving the civilities, indeed, which her citizens are always ready to bestow upon strangers, but without being offered the honors of a triumphal feast. That the nomination for the presidency, to be followed by a festival celebration, on his passing through Richmond, if not anticipated by Mr. Calhoun himself, were at least ardently desired by his adherents, there can be no doubt of, on reading the following extracts, which have been industriously circulated by the opposition prints, to aid in accomplishing the wish, or produce an effect that should be tantamount to it on the public mind. But Virginia yet stands firm to the true faith, and Mr. Calhoun, profiting by the reproof, has left Richmond with the understanding "that he will support general Jackson!" We are pleased to know that the contrary is the fact-Virginia has a general interest in preserving. sustaining, and uniting the democratic party of the country. Virginia will support Andrew Jackson, and thus show how far the opposition of Tazewell and Tyler is approved. Who does not see that such attempts to dragoon senators into subservient approbation of the doings of the state department, must recoil on the popularity of general Jackson? The preceding are "enough for the present," and sufficient, |