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bright futựre for Greek commerce, and already the prediction has been in some measure fulfilled. Next to agriculture, the mainstay of Greece is her merchant marine trading with Turkey and the ports of the Levant. In 1821 Greece had only about 450 vessels; the number in 1874 was 5,202, representing an aggregate burden of 250,077 tons; and the merchant marine of Greece ranks in the scale of importance as the seventh of the world.

The question of national education has from the first days of recovered freedom engaged the most earnest attention of the Greek people. Education is for the Greeks of to-day, not merely what it is for every civilised nation, the necessary basis of all worthy hope; it is, further, the surest pledge of their unity as a people both within and without the boundaries of the present Kingdom; it is the practical vindication of their oldest birthright; it is the symbol of the agencies which wrought their partial deliverance; it is the living witness of those qualities and those traditions on which they found their legitimate aspirations for the future. During three centuries and a half of Turkish rule the Greek nationality was preserved from effacement by the studies which fostered its language and its religion; and, when the earliest hopes of freedom began to be felt, the first sure promise of its approach was the fact that those studies had been enlarged and had received a new impulse. Koraes struck the true note in the preface to his translation of Beccaria “On Crimes and Punishments, which he dedicated in 1802 to the young republic of the Ionians. “You are now," he said, addressing the studious youth of Greece, “the instructors and teachers of your country, but the time is fast approaching when you will be called upon to become her lawgivers. Unite, then, your wealth and your exertions in her behalf, since in her destitution she can boast no public treasury for the instruction of her children; and forget not that in her brighter days their education was a public duty entrusted to her rulers.” If ever there was a case in which the deliverance of a people was directly traceable to the awakening of the national intelligence, that case was the Greek War of Independence. No people could have a more cogent practical reason than the Greeks have for believing that knowledge is power; but they do not value it only or chiefly because it is power. The love of knowledge is an essential part of the Greek character, -an instinct which their historical traditions strengthen, indeed, but have not created. After the war, when the troubled period of Capodistria's Presidency had given place to settled institutions, one of the first great tasks taken in hand was that of thoroughly organizing public instruction. M. Burnouf's remark, quoted by Mr. Sergeant, that public instruction was “almost non-existent” in Greece in 1833, is true in a sense, but needs qualification. It is true that there was no complete or uniform system of public instruction; in the political situation of the Greeks before the war such a thing had not been possible. On the other hand, many elements of such a system had been supplied by the strenuous efforts made at many particular centres of Greek life during a long series of years. In fact the tradition of Greek culture had, under the heaviest discouragements, been preserved unbroken from the conquest of Constantinople, though it was only in the latter part of the seventeenth century that a few of the schools began to be prosperous or famous. Among these were the lyceums of Bucharest in Wallachia and Yassi in Moldavia, which had been protected by a series of Phanariot Hospodars; the schools of Janina in Epirus, which had owed much to the benefi. cence of the brothers Zosima, “the Medicis of Modern Greece; ” the gymnasium of Symrna, the College of Scio, the Greek College at Odessa, and many more of nearly equal repute. By 1815 almost every Greek community had its school. Ten years of war and confusion interrupted the work. But, in 1833 there were still the materials, however scattered or imperfect, with which to begin; and there was a spontaneous public sympathy with the objectma sympathy which the successful struggle for freedom had helped not a little to quicken. Under the system of public instruction adopted in modern Greece, * three successive grades of schools lead up to the university: (1), the Demotic or Primary National Schools ; (2), the Hellenic Schools, secondary grammar-schools ; (3), the Gymnasia, higher schools of scholarship and science, in which the range and the level of teaching are much the same as in the German gymnasium, or in the upper parts of our public schools. From the Gymnasium the next step is to the University of Athens. In all three grades of schools, and also at the University, instruction is gratuitous. With regard to the Primary Schools, Mr. Sergeant writes: “Elementary education in Greece, in addition to being gratuitous, is compulsory—at least in theory. Children are compelled by law to attend the primary schools between the ages of seven and twelve years” (p. 53). M. Mansolas says (p. 36), “ between the ages of five and twelve;" and, after adding that there is a small fine for each day of the child's absence, adds the im. portant remarks, but this principle has been hardly ever applied..

It would be interesting to know whether compulsion has been thus absent because it has been found unnecessary, or because it has been thought undesirable. So far as personal observation enables me to judge, I should be disposed to doubt whether these words of Mr. Tuck. erman's can be accepted without reservation :-“It may safely be asserted that no man, woman or child born in the kingdom since the organization of free institutions [i. e. say since 1833] is so deficient in elementary knowledge as not to be able to read or write. However that may be, there can be no doubt that primary education in Greece has made extraordinary progress since 1833--such progress as could

• The chief organizer of this system was George Gennadius, the father of the present Minister of Greece in England, and a descendant of Gennadius Scholarius, the first Patriarch of Constantinople after the Turkish conquest. George Gennadius was studying in Germany when the Greek Revolution broke out. He served in the war; he was a prominent speaker in the assemblies; and on the settlement of the State he devoted his life to public education. Many of the Bishops and Scholars of Greece have been his pupils; and the memory of his unselfish energy is still held in deserved bonour.

have been made only where the love of knowledge was an instinct of the people—and that at the present time Greece can compare favorably in this respect with any country in the world.* The growth of the higher schools and of the University has not been less remarkable. Within five-and-twenty years the number of the “Hellenic” schools has been nearly doubled; that of the Gymnasia has been nearly trebled; and the total numbers of pupils have grown in corresponding ratio. In 1841 the University of Athens, then recently founded, had 292 students ; in 1872 it had 1,244. A few years ago it was estimated that about 81,000 persons—that is about one-eighteenth of the entire population was under instruction in Greece, either at public or at priFate establishments. The sum spent by Greece on public instruction is rather more than 5 per cent. of its total expen. diture a larger proportion than is devoted to the same purpose by France, Italy, Austria, or Germany. When Mr. Tuckerman claims for Greece that “she stands first in the rank of nations—not excepting the United States —as a self-educated people,” the claim, rightly understood, is just. It means, first, that nowh re else does the State spend so large a fraction of its disposable revenue on public education ; secondly, that nowhere else is therə such a spontaneous public desire to profit by the educational advantages which the State affords.

Closely connected with the progress of the higher education in Greece is a phenomenon which every visitor observes, which almost every writer on Greece discusses, and which has hitherto remained an unsolved problem of modern Greek society. This is the disproportionately large number of men who, having received a university education, become lawyers, physicians, journalists, or politicians. M. Mansolas, after observing that the “dominant calling in Greece is that of the agricul. turist, assigns the second place to“ the class of men who exercise the liberal professions, of whom the number is excessive relatively to the rest of the population.” Mr. Sergeant quotes on this subject part of a Report drawn up in 1872 by Mr. Watson, one of our Secretaries of Legation at Athens.

“ While there is felt in Greece,” Mr. Watson says, a painful dearth of men whose education has fitted them to supply some of the multifarious material wants of the country—such, for instance, as surveying, farming, road-making, and bridge-building-there is, on the other hand, a plethora of lawyers, writers, and clerks, who, in the absence of regular occupation, become agitators and coffee-house politicians.” As lately as last June the Correspondent of the "Times” at Athens wrote as follows :-“Public life is here the monopoly of the class exercising the so-called liberal professions of advocates and university men, whose name is legion, -an upper sort of proletariate, divided into two everlastingly antagonistic factions of placemen and place-hunters.” It is

* In 1835 there were about 70 primary schools, with less than 7.000 scholars; in 1845, about 450 schools, with 35,000 scholars; in 1874, about 1,130 schools, with 70,060


easy to assign one set of causes for this state of things. Where a school and university education is offered free of charge to a people of keen intellectual appetite, it is natural that an unusually large proportion of persons should go through the university course; and where, as in Greece, agriculture is under a system which gives little scope to the higher sort of intelligence, while there is neither public nor private capital enough to provide employment for many architects or civil engineers, it is natural that an unduly large proportion of university graduates should turn to one of the liberal professions, or to some calling in which their literary training can be made available. Mr. Tuckerman has described vividly the process by which the “coffee-house politician” is developed. A young man, of somewhat better birth than the agricultural labourer or the common sailor, finds himself at eighteen a burden on a household which is hardly maintained by the industry of his father. If he followed in his father's steps, his lot would be to till the soil for what, when rent and taxes have been paid, is little more than a bare livelihood, or perhaps to subsist on the salary of a small public office. But the boy has been at a school of the higher grade, and, with a natural taste for learning, has conceived the ambition to make something better of his life than this. What, then, is he to do? He would be glad to get a clerkship in one of the commercial houses of Athens, Patras, or Syra; but there are hundreds of applicants whose chances are better than his. Even if he could afford to try his fortune in a foreign country, the risk would be, in his case, too great. Athens, the busy centre of so many activities, is his one hope. Surely there he will find something to do. He makes his way to Athens, attends the University, and becomes interested in his studies. His years of university life are made tolerably happy by the companionship of fellow-students whose situation resembles his own. Literary and political discussion, enjoyed over the evening coffee and cigarette, comes to be his chief delight. At. last he takes his degree. He must choose a profession. The Bar is already overcrowded. A perpetual series of epidemics would be required to provide moderate occupation for half of the physicians. has not patience to undertake the duties of a schoolmaster among the Greeks of Turkey. It remains that he should be a politician. He writes for the newspapers, and awaits the moment when his party shall hold its next distribution of loaves and fishes. He receives, perhaps, a small post, or some other reward. Thenceforth he is devoted to his new career. Through years of plenty and years of leanness, he is content to wait on the revolutions of the political wheel. If it is suggested to him that this is an unsatisfactory life, his answer is simple: Can you show me a better?

Such cases may be common, and may help to explain why, in addition to the overstocked liberal professions, there should be a large number of party writers and place-seekers. But the continued over-supply in all these careers would still remain inexplicable if we confined our view to the Kingdom of Greece. The clue is to be found in the relations ex.



isting between free Greece and that which is still

. emphatically slaved" Greece-n douan'Ellos. The Kingdom of Greece offers a university education free of charge not only to its own subjects but. also to the Greek subjects of the Porte. As to the measure in which the ranks of University men at Athens have been swelled by Greek subjects of Turkey, an interesting piece of evidence will be found in Mr. H. M. Baird's “Modern Greece." Mr. Baird attended classes at the University of Athens, and became intimately acquainted with its life and working. “ It is a circumstance well worth the noticing,” he writes, “that rather more than one-half of the matriculated students are from districts under the rule of the Sultan." Thus Athens is a focus of intellectual life not only for the Kingdom of Greece but for the Greeks of Turkey :'and the already redundant supply of lettered men is further increased by an influx from abroad. Hence the social equilibrium of Greece is deranged in a manner to which no other country presents a parallel. In other countries the law of supply and demand roughly suffices to maintain a natural balance between the number of those who engage in productive industries and the number of those who embrace the liberal professions or seek office from the State. In Greece this is not so. The population of Greece is a million and a half. The number of Greeks in Turkey is about five millions. Among these five millions there are, of course, many who desire a political or official life. They cannot have this under conditions which they can accept in Turkey. They are therefore driven to seek it in Greece. Educated men, or men desirous of education, throng into the kingdom of Greece from Epirus, Thessaly, Macedonia, Thrace, Crete. But unfortunately there is no reciprocity. The industrial populations of those provinces are not at the disposition of Greece. Thus the balance of occupation is destroyed. “Five competitors at least,”. says

M. Moraitinis, "dispute each public office.” He anticipates an objection. "This invasion from without—this plethora of applicants, so troublesome in its effects-could not free Greece stop it?" "No," he answers, “the evil is unavoidable. Greece has the duty of receiving all her children who come to her from without. To repel them would be a treason against kinship; it would be to deny the past and to blight tho future : it would be, also, to forego the precious aid of devoted patriotism and of valuable ability.”

Mr. Watson, in the Report already noticed, points out, indeed, that the plethora of academically-trained men is not an unmixed evil. “Undoubtedly,” he says, “it confers considerable advantages on the Levant in general. Many provinces of the Ottoman Empire are indebted to the seats of learning in Athens for a supply of intelligent doctors, divines, lawyers, chemists, clerks." “ The role of Greece in the contemporary East,” M. Lenormant writes, “ closely resembles its role in antiquity. The Hellenic race represents the motive power in the Ottoman Empire, as, twenty-two centuries ago, it represented it in Persian Asia.” fairly be urged, as Mr. Sergeant well ur that the very existence of

It may

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