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this so-called "over-education” is a proof of the fitness of Greece to perform the part of a civilising power in the East. It may also be said that the general influence of high education widely diffused has done much to leaven Greek life with the spirit of order, industry and sustained effort. Mr. Sergeant's remarks on this point are illustrated by the testimony of foreign observers to the decorous behaviour of the Athenian population on occasions which in most other capitals would scarcely fail to evoke some popular turbulence, or even to let loose the passions of a mob. In the crisis of the revolution under the former reign, which resulted in King Otho signing the constitutional decree, the whole population of Athens was in the streets. “For an entire day the open space in front of the palace was filled with an excited and determined people and a revolted soldiery. All police surveillance was suspended; men of the lowest class paraded the streets with loaded arms, and the largest opportunity for license and lawlessness was afforded: yet not a gun was fired, nor a stone raised, nor was even a flower plucked from the public gardens.” The Greek capital, in this instance, only reflected the normal character of the Greek people; there is plenty of popular enthusiasm ; but there is no rowdyism.

It seems probable that the large development of manufacturing industry and commerce in Greece during the last few years will tend gradually to diminish the pressurs of candidates for the learned or literary callings, by showing men where they may find a sphere of honourable exertion without permanently leaving the country. In fact the intelligent enterprise and power of combination which have lately been exhibited in this field go far to prove that it has already become attractive to men of education. Thus new banks have been established; a new steam navigation company for the Mediterranean and the Black Sea has been formed, under the Greek flag, by Greek capitalists; and the rights of the Franco-Italian company, which since 1865 had worked the mines of Laurium, have been purchased by a new company composed chiefly of Greeks. Projects have been entertained for lines of railway from Athens to Patras, and froin Patras to Pyrgos on the north-west coast of Morea. A correspondent quoted by Mr. Tuckerman confirms the view indicated above. “ These private undertakings,” he writes, “including mining and railway operations, have already begun to produce most satisfactory results, not merely as regards the social, but also as regards the political condition of the country. It is thus that we have lately witnessed quite an unprecedented phenomenon. A large number of clerks and other employés of the Civil Service are sending in their resignations, and are accepting posts in these new establishments at rates of remuneration even lower than the Government salaries, preferring the stability and hope of advancement offered them by private enterprise to the torturing and ruinous uncertainty with which they held offices dependent on the arbitrary will of each successive minister. In this new movement I see the solution of one of the great difficulties this country has been labouring under—the fight for public offices."

It is an opinion which is often heard in Greece, both from natives and from foreign residents, that permanence in the Civil Service appointments would do much to steady the politics of the country; others, again, say that this is made virtually impossible by universal suffrage, since the majority will always prefer the chances afforded by a frequent redistribution of many smali prizes. In England there are about fiftytwo electors to every thousand inhabitants; in France, with universal suffrage, there are 267; in Greece no fewer than 311. It is noteworthy that M. Moraitinis-an unquestionably intelligent friend of progress in Greece—appears to regard universal suffrage as being, for Greece, an institution of doubtful expediency, and even goes so far as to suggest that the constitution "might and should be modified" in the direction of withdrawing the suffrage from those who, having nothing to preserve, are ready to sell their conscience” (p. 569). But we are concerned with Greece and its constitution as they now are. On the main point there is little difference of opinion. The great need of all for Greece, if Greece is to go on prospering, is that politics should cease to be a game played between the holders and seekers of office, and that all local or personal interests whatsoever should be uniformly and steadily subordinated to the public interests of the country. Before this can be thoroughly secured two things must come to pass. First, adequate outlets must be found for the energies of the educated clase who have hitherto been driven into making politics a livelihood : this, as we have seen, has in a certain measure been accomplished already, and there seems reason to hope that the growing material prosperity of Greece will by degrees provide a complete solution. Secondly, the Greek people must bring a sound and vigorous public opinion to bear on public affairs not by fits and starts, but steadily. It has been said, with too much truth, that Greece has been a nation of opinions without a public opinion. The free growth and effective expression of public opinion has been checked by too much centralisation, -by the tendency of many administrations to regard a close bureaucracy as the only shelter for authority. There can be no vitality of public opinion without diffusion of power; but hitherto the average Greek votor in the prov-' inces has been controlled by no real sense of personal responsibility to the country. Public meetings for the discussion of proposed measures have been rare out of Athens. Along with excessive centralisation another cause has been at work—the tendency of the Greek character to set the interests of a district or a town above the general interests of the nation. This particularism ”-scarcely less marked to-day than in the Greek commonwealths of old—may be traced, now as formerly, in some measure to the physical configuration of the country, and to the want, still seriously felt, of easy communication. The old Greeks had common national characteristics, but never formed a nation; the Greeks of to-day are a nation, with a strong national sentiment, but without a sufficiently erergetic unity of national purpose. Nothing but such unity of purpos? can enforca thosa rafcrre jahich the country

most needs-reforms of principle, not of detail, —the choice of publi.. men on the public grounds of character and fitness, the management of the finances with undeviating regard to the thorough re-establishment of the national credit. There have, indeed, been critical moments when the public opinion of Greece has asserted itself in such questions with decisive result. The successful protest of 1875 against ministerial infringements of the constitution has been the most recent example ; and M. Moraitinis may justly argue that a maturity of political education is proved by the disciplined loyalty with which, at that crisis, all classes united to uphold the constitution by constitutional means. The same general characteristic appeared also in the crisis of 1843 and 1862 ; and it was better marked in 1863 than in 1843, and in 1875 than in 1862. But then, as M. Moraitinis adds, when the danger is past, public opinion goes to sleep again, "and individual interests resume their ascendancy." What is wanted is that public opinion should be always vigilant.

No impartial observi r can refuse to admit that Greece has already done much, and is now in a fair way to do more. Few, rrobably, would deny that from the outset she has had to contend with grave difficulties not of her own making. In the first place it is only sirce the beginning of the present reign, that is, since 1863, that Greece has been in the full practical enjoyment of constitutional liberty. Secondly, Greece began life not only as a poor country, in which the first elements of prosperity had to be created anew, but a country loaded with debt for loans of which only a fraction had (ver been applied to her benefit. Those who wish to read the whole story of the Greek Loans in the light of contemporary documents may be referred to a recent pamphlet on the subject, consisting of extracts from the English newspapers and peridicals of the day, put together without comment.* Among other facts which deserve to be more generally known, it will be found that, of the second loan of 1,200,0001, all that ever reached Greece was the amount of 209,0001. Lastly, there has been that most serious and permanent obstacle of all, the original defect of a bad frontier. It has been aiready shown how this has affected the balance of social and political life in Greece. The dilemma raised by that ill-judged limitation of the new kingdom could not be expressed more clearly or concisely than in the words of the late Edgar Quinet. “I am afra d,” he wrote in 1857, “ that the artificial boundaries of the new State, and the conditions imposed upon it, may have the effect of hindering its development. Hence, a false position for the Greeks, and a perpetual temptation to get out of it. If they stretch out their hands to their brethren who are still under the yoke, they rouse the anger of their protectors; if they resign themselves to remaining where they are, they are reduced to a hopeless plight,—with no outlets, no commerce, no relations; and their brethern accuse them of betrayal.”


* The Greek Loans of 1824 and 1825. London: H. S. King. 1878. + Preface to La Crèce moderene et ses rapports avec l'Antiquité,

An interesting document in illustration of this view has lately been given to the world. In February, 1830, Prince Leopold of SaxeCoburg accepted the Crown of Greece, offered to him in a joint note from Lord Aberdeen and the French and Russian Ambassadors in London ; but, after some negot ations, he finally declined it in May of the same year. An Athenian newspaper has now printed the letter, hitherto unpublished, which Leopold addressed to Charles X. of France on May 23rd, 1830,-two days after his final decision. In this he states the reasons for his resolve. Prominent among them is this considerationthat a new ruler of Greece would begin his work at a hopeless disadvantage if he were regarded by the Greek nation as a party to the disastrous truncation of the territory. By the Treaty of Adrianople (September, 1829), the boundary-line of Greece had been drawn from near the entrance of the Gulf of Volo on the east to the Gulf of Arta on the west. But by a new decision of the Powers (February 3rd; 1830) a large slice was cut off. Leopold does justice to the natural feeling which would make it a bitter sacrifice for the Greeks to leave their brethren in continental Hellas--as well as in Crete, Samos, and elsewhere-under that yoke which all alike had' striven to shake off , and he hopes that Charles, “ with the magnanimity which distinguishes him,” will appreciate this. He held that in the narrow limits now imposed on the country—the territory adjacent to the Gulfs of Volo and Arta being cut off -it could not be thoroughly prosperous. The truth of Leopold's forecast was recognised at the Berlin Congress last year by M. Waddington.

The people of Greece are industrious, singularly temperate, with a strong regard for the ties of the family, and with the virtues which that implies; they have proved at more than one trying conjuncture that they have learned the lessons of constitutional freedom; and they possess a versatile intelligence which justly entitles them to be regarded as the gifted race of South-Eastern Europe. Men of all parties and opinions are interested in forming a true judgment of what the Greeks can or cannot achieve. So long as their character and capacity are imperfectly or incorrectly estimated in this country, a necessary element of every

“Eastern Question” will be taken at an erroneous value, and the margin of possible miscalculation will be

so far in. creased. If, as seems .not impossible, some

should be devised of sending young Englishmen from our universities to pursue studies in Greece, it may be predicted that the good results will not be confined to the world of letters. Englishmen who have resided in Greece, and who have lived in converse with its people, will gradually help to diffuse a better knowledge of them in this country, and with a better knowledge, a kinder spirit, --such a knowledge and tone as, through similar intercourse with Greece, are already more general in France and Germany than they are in England. It will become more usual to recognise fairly how much the Greeks have done and are still doing, how much they have had to suffer, what diffi



culties they have overcome, and with what disadvantages they are still contending: to distinguish between ambitions which deserve to be reproved and those aspirations for a free development of national life which no people can renounce without losing self-respect and forfeiting the good opinions of those who retain it; and to consider whether the only manifestations of friendship which Greece may reasonably expect from the leaders of European civilization are those in which our friends (with the honourable exception of France) have hitherto been principally zealous,-the offices of candid remonstrance and veiled repression.

R. C. JEBB, in Macmillan's Magazine.

MR. IRVING'S HAMLET. We intend to give ourselves the pleasure of a few words on Mr. Irving's Hamlet; and as this periodical does not habitually deal with living actors, since we do not consider ourselves the channel for such a purpose, they shall be brief. But Mr. Irving is no ordinary actor. Setting aside his genius, his industrious care in everything he undertakes, we associate him with the possible renovation of our theatre. He has pandered to no low tastes, but recalls and revives the traditional stage of the Kembles and of Macready.

The first thing we notice in his Hamlet is that there is no seeking after an immediate effect. Hamlet comes in with the rest of the Court, and seats himself somewhat listlessly by the side of the Queen. There is in his aspect a profound melancholy, which seems to search for the unknown and the unseen. His eyes look far away from the scene before him, and in their deep gaze there is a restlessness which shows that Hamlet's will is already puzzled. In the first speeches, he exhibits a grief all the more impressive for its weariness and helplessness; whilst in the soliloquy which follows them, there is a deep tenderness in Hamlet's recollection of his father, his voice dwelling on the words, “So loving to my mother, that he might not beteem the winds of heaven visit her face too roughly,” as if he were unwilling to quit that recollection for the one which supplants it of the Queen's inconstancy: It is to be noted that in his present performance Mr. Irving has needlessly changed “beteem” to “let e'en."

In the “Must I remember ?” we note a foretaste of the protest against fate, in which he afterwards indulges. In the comparison between his father and uncle, “But no more like my father than I to Hercules,” he pauses a moment before the last word, as if seeking for a simile and thus sustains the spontaneous air which distinguishes his delivery throughout. It has been thought, and not unnaturally, that the dropping of the voice and manner in the last line, “But break, my heart; for I must hold my ngue,” is weak and ineffective. Ineffective it is in the sense of missing a stage effect: but in its weakness lies its

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