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The bill was bitterly opposed by the press, and the hostility of the people began to manifest itself. The object of the bill was to improve the public credit. It was declared that no logic could demonstrate that an increase of the public debt combined with the mortgage of the public revenues could be a betterment of the public credit, nor, on the other hand, that the recovery of a lost credit could be achieved by mortgaging its revenues.

The public mind was greatly agitated, and a spirit of discontentment began to manifest itself among the people. Some meetings were called for purposes of protest. The university students, numbering over 1,000, marched to Congress and presented a petition and protest, which was evidently written by some older head, and on their return were joined by a great crowd of the discontented, crying out “Down with the President," "Down with the unification bill," etc. This was the initiation of the disturbances. The President's house was attacked, and it was rumored that he and his family took refuge in the Royal Hotel. The mob attacked Dr. Pellegrini, whom they met in the street, but he was rescued by friends, and then passed down Florida street, until they reached the office of El País, when they proceeded to smash its windows, not, however, without meeting with some resistance from the inmates of the building. Turbulence and disorder began now to spread and affect the peace and business of the city. The Office of the Tribuna was also attacked, but without much damage. In the meantime the police were reenforced, and their efforts to disperse the crowd and restore order partially succeeded. The next day, however, a large and menacing crowd gathered on the plaza in front of the Government building, and, not dispersing at the command of the police, a charge was ordered of mounted police to clear the plaza and streets adjoining, and a collision took place in which shots were freely exchanged, wounding several and killing a few. The mob finally began to give way and, being hard pressed, to break into several bodies, and the police, being at the same time reenforced by firemen with Mauser rifles, succeeded in dispersing them and in partially restoring order, though the spirit of rebellion and resistance against the constituted authorities was not entirely subdued.

At this crisis the President asked and Congress granted him authority to declare the city in a state of siege. Troops from the provinces were quietly brought into the city, quartered in barracks, and reviewed, ostensibly as a preparation for the usual ninth of July parade (independence day), but actually to preserve public order in the event their services should be needed. Sunday morning (July 7) opened on a comparatively quiet day. There were no large gatherings of crowds nor acts of turbulence.

The President is an able and conciliatory man. He had been popular with the people, who had shown him frequent manifestations of their favor and good will. He undoubtedly felt that popular sentiment against the unification bill must be appeased. On the 8th instant he sent a message to the Chamber of Deputies withdrawing the unification bill, which was awaiting its consideration. The Chamber immediately passed a resolution adjourning sine die the further consideration of the bill. This action is supposed to signify an entire change of the financial policy of the Government.

Still, there were those who thought that a hostile demonstration would be liable to occur on independence day, and great precautions were taken to forestall it and preserve the public peace. The President gave his customary banquet to the diplomatic corps and prominent officials of his Government on Monday evening, and on Tuesday (independence day) the same officials attended the Te Deum at the cathedral by his invitation and witnessed the review of troops from the balconies of the Government building. Everything passed off quietly, peaceably, and in the usual manner, except that the crowd of citizens was smaller as compared with former occasions and few cheers greeted the President.

As a consequence of the withdrawal of the unification bill, the minister of finance, Señor Enrique Berduc, tendered his resignation which was accepted by the President. The minister of agriculture, Señor Ezequiel Ramos Mexía, also resigned in consequence, it is said, of party ties connecting him with Dr. Pellegrini. The ministers of war and marine also tendered their resignations in order to give the President an opportunity to reorganize his cabinet, but they were requested to retain their respective posts.

The act of withdrawing the bill seems to have given satisfaction to public opinion. The state of siege still exists, but all evidences of turbulence and discontent have disappeared. The city wears its wonted aspect of peace, business is pursuing its accustomed channels, and public order and quiet prevail.

With regard to the unification bill, I have never doubted but that the President was animated by an honest purpose and laudable zeal to better the condition of finances and maintain the public credit in his support of that measure, conceding that the bill itself was liable to serious objection. To sum up, it appears that the recent street disturbances and acts of violence in this city were caused by the press inveighing against the unification bill, and producing in the public mind the belief that it boded evil to the good name and financial credit of the nation, and that the action of the President in withdrawing such unification bill had the effect to allay popular passion I have, etc.,


Mr. Lord to Mr. Tlay.



Buenos Ayres, July 31, 1901. Mr. Lord reports that the state of siege has been raised.

Mr. Lord to Mr. Hay. No. 131.]


Buenos Ayres, July 31, 1901. SIR: Since the withdrawal of the unification bill, referred to in my No. 128, of the 11th instant, there have been no street tumults disturbing the public peace or menacing official authority. Public order and quiet prevail throughout the city. The press generally approves the action of the President in withdrawing the bill, as well as some recent public utterances in which he declares it to be his intention to give due consideration to public opinion in matters of public concern. In view of this condition of things, Congress passed a law yesterday, which the President approved on the same day, raising the state of siege in this capital. I have, etc.,




BUENOS AYRES, September 14, 1901. The Argentine people and Government have been profoundly and grievously moved by the death of President McKinley, and while denouncing the infamous crime, which deprives the great sister Republic of the North of its Chief Magistrate and one of its most illustrious and impressive personalities, sends to President Roosevelt and to the American people the expressions of its most sincere condolences.

JULIO A. Roca, President of the Argentine Republic.

Mr. Ilay to Mr. Lord.


Washington, September 17, 1901. In the name of the President and his sorrowing countrymen, you will express to President Roca sincere acknowledgment of his touching message of sympathy, which voices the affectionate regard of a sister Republic.



Mr. Hay to Señor del Viso, Chargé d'Affaires."


Washington, September 14, 1901. Sir: It is my painful duty to announce to you the death of William McKinley, President of the United States, in the city of Buffalo, at fifteen minutes past 2 in the morning of to-day, September 14.

Laid low by the act of an assassin, the week-long struggle to save his life has been watched with keen solicitude, not alone by the people of this country, who raised him from their own ranks to the high office he filled, but by the people of all friendly nations, whose messages of sympathy and of hope while hope was possible have been most consolatory in this time of sore trial.

Now that the end has come, I request you, sir, to be the medium of communicating the sad tidings to the Government of the honored nation you so worthily represent, and to announce that in obedienee to the prescriptions of the Constitution, the office of President has devolved upon Theodore Roosevelt, Vice-President of the United States. Accept, etc.,

John Hay.

* Same announcement to all foreign representatives in the United States.



Mr. lay to Mr. Ilerdliska.


Washington, December 10, 1900. Sir: The Department is frequently in receipt of information that naturalized citizens who receive passports suppose themselves to be thereby rendered exempt from the operation of the military laws and laws relating to expatriation of the country of their origin upon their return, and occasionally they complain that they were not informed by the Department when they received the passport of the limits of the protection it would afford. Of course, whenever information has been asked, the Department has given such as it possessed, but it has not heretofore furnished this information in advance of a request for it. It has been determined to inaugurate a new system by which no American citizen of foreign birth shall receive passports without being informed of those general provisions of law of the land of his birth which it is important for him to know before he returns to it. He will therefore receive with his passport a brief and easily comprehended statement applicable to his case. Inclosed is the draft of the notice designed for those of our citizens who were born in AustriaHungary. You are instructed to examine it and return it with such suggestions as to its correctness and sufficiency as your knowledge and experience may prompt you to make.

It should be borne in mind that the notice must be couched in terms simple enough for a person of imperfect education and limited knowledge to easily comprehend, and that the introduction of unnecessary details and discussions must be avoided. I am, etc.,





Washington, February 1, 1901. The information given below is believed to be correct, yet is not to be considered as official, as it relates to the laws and regulations of a foreign country.

*See also under Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Russia, Sweden, Switzerland, and Turkey. Not printed.

All male subjects of Austria-Hungary are liable to the performance of military service between the ages of nineteen and forty-two years.

Under the terms of the treaty between the United States and AustriaHungary a former subject of that country now a naturalized citizen of the United States is treated upon his return as a citizen of the United States. If he violated any of the criminal laws of Austria-Hungary before the date of emigration he remains liable to trial and punishment, unless the right to punish has been lost by lapse of time as provided by law. A naturalized American citizen formerly a subject of Austria-Hungary may be arrested and punished under the military laws only in the following cases: (1) If he was accepted and enrolled as a recruit in the army before the date of emigration, although he had not been put in service; (2) if he was a soldier when he emigrated, either in active service or on leave of absence; (3) if he was summoned by notice or by proclamation before his emigration to serve in the reserve or militia, and failed to obey the call; (4) if he emigrated after war had broken out.

A naturalized American citizen of Austro-Hungarian origin on arriving in that country should at once show his passport to the proper authorities; and if, on inquiry, it is found that his name is on the military rolls, he should request it to be struck off, calling attention to the treaty of September 20, 1870, between this country and AustriaHungary.

The laws of Austria-Hungary require every stranger to produce a passport on entering. This provision is not usually enforced, but may be at any time. Travelers are usually called upon to establish their identity and are advised to provide themselves with passports. They do not ordinarily require to be visaed.


Mr. Ilarris to Mr. Ilay.

No. 188.]


Vienna, April 26, 1901. Sir: On the 18th day of January, 1901, the consul at Reichenberg informed me that John Richter, an Austrian-born naturalized citizen of the United States, bearing a passport, had been expelled from his native country, where he was sojourning.

I sent the consul a copy of the treaty of 1870, with directions to send it to the hezirkshauptmann at Schluckenau, and to invite his attention to the fact that Richter was not subject to arrest or expulsion: I also addressed a note to the foreign office, a copy whereof is inclosed.

In a few days I had a letter from the consul stating that the bezirkshauptmann had notified Richter that he might return. A letter lately received from the consul is to the effect that Richter had made no further complaint, and it is thought he has returned to America.

In the meantime a carefully prepared note came down from the foreign office, a translation whereof is inclosed.

I would rot report the case except for the fact that it will be noticed the authorities for the first time put a new interpretation on the treaty

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