Col. of the 7th regiment of horse chasseurs, was killed. The detailed reports will communicate particular acts of bravery, and the names of those who were wounded in the memorable battle of June 10.-Several thousand quintals of grain, and a great quantity of different kinds of provisions, have been found in the magazines of Heilsberg.

79th Bulletin of the Grand French Army.

Wehlau, June 17.-The action of Spandau and Lomitten, the battles of GutStadt and Heilsberg were only the precursors of still more important events. On the 12th, at 4 in the morning, the French army entered Heilsberg. Gen. Latour Maubourg pursued the enemy with his division of dragoons, and Generals Duronsel and Wattiers' brigade of light cavalry, to the right bank of the Alle, near Bartenstein. In the mean time the light corps advanced in various directions, in order to pass the enemy to cut off his retreat to Koningsberg, and get between him and his magazines. Fortune favoured the execution of this plan.-On the 12th, at 5 o'clock P. M. the imperial headquarters arrived at Eylau. Here the fields were no longer covered with ice and snow; on the contrary, they presented one of the most beautiful scenes in nature. The country was every where adorned by beautiful woods, intersected by lakes, and animated by handsome villages. On the 13th, the Grand Duke of Berg advanced towards Koningsberg with his cavalry, Marshal Davoust followed to support him. Marshal Soult advanced towards Creutzburg; Marshal Lannes towards Demnau; Marshals Ney and Mortier towards Lampasch.--Meanwhile Gen. Latour Maubourg wrote that he had pursued the enemy's rear guard; that the Russians had abandoned a great number of wounded in their flight; that they had evacuated Bartenstein, and that they had directed their retreat on Schippenheil on the right bank of the Alle.-The Emperor immediately proceeded towards Friedland. He ordered the Grand Duke of Berg, Marshals Soult and Davoust, to manœuvre against Koningsberg, while he advanced with the corps of Ney, Lannes, Mortier, the imperial guard, and the first corps, commanded by Gen. Victor, on Friedland.—On the 13th, the 9th regiment of hussars entered Friedland, but was driven out of that place by 3000 of the ene my's cavalry. On the 14th the enemy advanced on the bridge of Friedland, and at 3 in the morning a cannonade was heard. “It

is a fortunate day," said the Emperor; "it is the anniversary of the battle of Marengo." -Marshals Launes and Mortier were first engaged, they were supported by Gen. Grouchy's dragoons, and by Gen. Nansouty's cuirassiers. Several movements and actions took place. The enemy were stopped and could not pass the village of Postenbeim. Imagining that they had only a corps of about 15,000 men opposed to them, they followed the movements of our troops towards Koningsberg; thus the French and Saxon dragoons and cuirassiers had the opportunity of making a brilliant attack, and of taking 4 pieces of cannon.-By 5 in the evening the several corps were at their appointed stations. Marshal Ney was on the right wing, Marshal Lannes in the centre, Marshal Mortier on the left wing; the corps of Gen. Victor and the guards formed the reserve.The cavalry under the command of Gen. Grouchy supported the left wing.-The division of dragoons of Gen. Latour Maubourg was behind the right wing as a reserve. Gen. Lahousayes' division of dragoons, and the Saxon cuirassiers, formed a reserve for the centre. Meanwhile the enemy deployed the whole of his army. His left wing extended to the town of Friedland, and his right wing a mile and a half in the other direction.The Emperor having reconnoitred the position, instantly determined to take the town of Friedland. Then suddenly changing his front, and advancing his right, he commenced the attack with the first part of that wing. (To be continued.)

From the Norman Conquest in 1066, to the Year 1803. From which last mentioned period it is continued downwards in the work entitled "Cobbett's Parliamentary "Debates."- ** The Second Volume of the above Work, comprising the Period from the Accession of Charles the First in 1625, to the Battle of Edge-hill in 1642, is ready for delivery. Published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden; and sold also by J. Budd, Pall Mall, and by all the Booksellers and Newsmen in the United Kingdom. Of whom may be had Complete Sets of "COBBETT'S PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES," from the commencement in 1803 to the present time.

VOL. XII. No. 6.]

[PRICE 10D.

1931

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

PEACE BETWEEN FRANCE AND PRUSSIA.

As to

-The treaty between these two powers, which will be found in a subsequent page of this sheet, has certainly surprised nobody but fools; for it was quite impossible, that any man of sound comtnon sense and com· mon information should have anticipated any other result of a war between powers, such and so situated, as were the parties to this treaty.To descant upon the pre-ent state of the Prussian king and his power would be useless. It must be obvious to all the world that he is now a king merely in name, and for the sole convenience (perhaps a temporary one) of the conqueror the effects of this change upon the welfare of Europe in general, and of the people of the Prussian states, late as well as present, ía particular, there may be a wide difference of opinion; for, while some persons will see nothing but cause of lamentation in the change; rothing but fallen monarchy, prin cesses (so virtuous as to defy all "delicate investigation") in tears, and "the best of princes," the fathers of their people," either killed or become mere tools or vagabonds, the bonds of "regular government, social order, and our holy religion" being all dissolved: while some persons will have their minds filled with this gloomy picture, others there may be, who, taking a wider view of things, may be led to ask, whether the people, the millions of human beings formerly governed by those princes, will now be worse off than they were before; whether, in these conflicts amongst their rulers, in these wars for who shall be their masters, they may not have obtained some little consequence in the scale of existence; and whether, if they have experienced only a change in their immediate matters, their parish and village despots, whose rasp was

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screwed to the highest possible pitch, that change alone ought not to be regarded as a sufficient counterbalance for all the evils which their rulers have endured, or can ever endure. If men are doomed to have de-potic masters, if they are to have neither security of property nor personal liberty; if they are to be slaves, it is little matter to whom they are slaves. Viewing Europe, after the manner of some persons, as consisting of a certain number of states, belonging to certain individuals, who own them, and the people of them, as men own farms and manors and the cattle and game thereon, viewing Europe in this right, we must naturally lament to see such a disturbance of property as Napoleon has occasioned; but, viewing the people of Europe as we still view, or affect to view ourselves, we must, before we lament the changes that have taken place, ascertain that those changes have produced an effect injurious to the people; and, this, I believe, it would be very difficult for us to ascertain. The wise men, who, for our sins, are deputed to conduct the hireling press of the metropolis, seem to be utterly astonished, that the "magnanimous Alexander," should have received from Buonaparté a compensation for the expences of the war in the territories of the ally, whom he had

so generously stepped forward to assist "and protect;" and, it must be confessed, that this conduct on the part of "the magnanimeus Alexander" does not very well agree with his high-sounding proclamations and declarations But, where is the ground of astonishment? Who but fools expected any thing else? and who but knaves affected to believe any thing else --The strains of the newspapers, upon this subject, are doleful beyond description, and yet, certainly not more doleful than foolish. The Morning Post, never the hindmost in folly, observes:

Ꮐ

With respect to Russia, we regret to say, that so far as that power is comprehend"ed in the provisions of the treaty with "Prussia, there is presented to the world

another disgusting instance of the preva "lence of the spirit of plunder and spolia"tion, over those of genuine integrity and pure honour. The Emperor Alexander, after a solemn exchange of oaths, after "the most sacred and repeated pledges of support, without any sacrifice of territory on his part. and, therefore without any claim to indemnification, not only aban"dons his late associate, to the whole vengeance of the enemy, but profits himself by the punishment inflicted, shares in the spoil, and strips his unfortunate friend and ally of part of his sad remains. For a few hundred miles of territory and a few hundred thousands of inhabitants he forfeits his character as a man, and gives up his honour as a prince. What Buonaparté took from Prussia he took by the "sword; what Alexander has receivedcon"stituted part of the possessions which, but << a few days before, he was endeavouring to preserve for Prussia, with the whole strength of his empire! May we be per"mitted to hope, that the hitherto magna"nimous character of Alexander will not

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Reg. Vol. VIII. p. 882) Now, who was right? Who was best informed? Who was the best judge of human nature as operating upon the affairs of nations? And who is it, that this country has to curse for its ruinous delusion?But, what emboldens you now to attack our august ally" after this sort; for our ally the Emperor of Russia still is, say what you will of him? And how dare you libet him; for, as you well know, truth, though, for once you may have spoken it, is a libel? How dare you libel " our august ally?" How dare you speak of him in such rascally terms? Is this the way you support regular government, social order, "and our holy religion?" To be sure the Emperor of Russia is a sort of Catholic; but, then, you said, that he was the most brave and faithful personage in the whole world; and now you abuse bin. Will the Russian Ambassador bear this? You reviled Ms. Windham for doubting whether the Russian nation was fit to cope with the French nation; and now you lay foul of the head of this same Russian nation. The fact is, I believe, you now perceive, that the Emperor of Russia can do no more of what you simply enough thought he was doing for us; and, as he can no longer serve your turn, you are ready to revile him as much as you before reviled those who foretold what has now happened. The language of the Courier, that other sapient guide of this sapient nation, is less abusive than that of the Morning Post, but not at all less foolish: "This treaty," says he, "with Prussia is re"markable for a principle by which Buonaparté hopes to give a mortal shock and "blow to all coalitions. He has made ally

prey upon ally, given part of the territories "of Prussia to Russia, and thus consumma"ted her misery and humiliation by making "her the victim both of friend and foe. In "the article of the treaty (the 18th) by "which part of Prussian Poland is to be given to Russia, it is endeavoured to be represented as the establishment of na"tional boundaries between Russia and the Duchy of Warsaw. National boundaries! as if such petty rivers could oppose any "obstacles to the encroachments of either power, if either power were determined upon making encroachments! This arti"cle of the treaty did indeed surprise and "afflict us: because we thought that the

"

Emperor Alexander would have rejected "with scorn and disdain, any offer that "should tend to call in question his disin"terestedness and magnanimity, and to en"rich him at the expence of his prostrate "and rained ally. This conduct towards

Prussia prepares us to suspect that the "nature of the treaty between Russia and "France is of a very different nature from "what-but we will not anticipate."No: do not anticipate, I pray you. The assurance of your fears will come soon enough for you.You thought! But we told you not to think so; and you called us "Jacobins and Levellers." If we were to laugh at you now, how could you blame us ; unless you proceeded upon the maxim of the Addingtons, that when, in the teeth of our prediction and advice, you bring ruin upon the country, that very ruin ought to make us hold our tongues? Unless you pretend, that, having been despised and abused by you, in the hour of your imaginary prosperity, is a ground whereon for you to claim compassion and indulgence at our hands, in the hour of your confusion and distress? I remember your past conduct. Your insolence is, and will be, fresh in my mind. I have put up. on record your base endeavours to prepare the public mind for an Attorney-General prosecution of the ridiculer of the Potsdam Oath; and I now laugh at the eighteenth article of the treaty of Tilsit, which article makes you weep. Hanover is a subject of speculation with these sages. Han "over," says the Courier, of the 3d instant, it is suspected by some, will be incorporated with the kingdom of West"phalia. We do not believe it. The placing it in the hands of the Spañiards "shews that it is meant to be ceded to us in

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try for the benefit of others; and, besides, one of the conditions annexed to "the restitution of it would be, that it "should join the Rhenish-Confederacy. Do

we wish to see a King of England in the "condition of a vassal of Buonaparté, and "forced, as sovereign of Hanover, to join "France against Russia or Austria, with "both of whom he might be in the strictest "alliance and amity as king of England?"

-Yes, we shall, I think, see the man that will say that we ought to give something for Hanover, that Hanover which a Lord told us, some months ago, ought to be as dear to us as Hampshire. When this happens I will

recall the thoughts of the editor of the Courier, who has, upon this occasion, certainly been writing without due instructions. If Mr. Fox (alas! poor Fox!) could see reason for our going to war for Hanover, I leave the reader to guess how easily those sharp practitioners, Lords Eden, Hawkesbury and Castlereagh, and Messrs. Canning and Perceval, will find out reasons for surrendering colonies for the same object. No: we have not done with dear Hanover yet; and, I am greatly deceived, if we shall not yet hear the Courier revile those, who shall dare to ab. ject to the making of English sacrifices for the sake of retaining it.If any thing, at this day could surprise us, it would be, that our ministers still persist in the sending of their expeditions to the Baltic. That they may succeed in nothing that they undertake elsewhere is more than I would say even of them; but, it is, I think, impossible, that an expedition to the Baltic should produce any thing to this country but injury, except as far as relates to the employing of the Hangverians. They, indeed, may effect something for us; but, I am greatly afraid, that they, even they, will find no opportunity of getting at the French, and of making a last effort for the deliverance of Europe!”

Nothing dismayed, however, the no-popery heroes and their partizans continue to send forth their accusations against the late ministers for not having done sooner what they are doing now. The two errors which the late ministry committed, with regard to the continent, were, their demand of Hanover, which, observe, drove Prussia into a quarrel with France, and their remittance of £80,000 to Prussia. They must, one would think, have been morally certain that no efforts of ours could save either Prussia or Russia. From the first to the last, there was no probability, that Prussia would not be subdued. With my scanty means of information, I was in possession of knowledge, upon which I would have betted a thousand to one, that neither the Prussians nor the Russians made head against the French for a single day. The late ministers must have been acquainted with the state of things; and, if they had. nevertheless, granted subsidies, and sent out expeditions to the Baltic, would they not have deserved the execrations of the country? If we could have sent out 40,000 men, it would have been sending them to certain defeat and disgrace. To pretend, that the overthrow of the Russian and Prussian armies could have been prevented by us, is, perhaps, the most shameful instance of hypocrisy that ever was witnessed, even on the part of no-popery, or of Mr. Hypocricy Per

souified. This Lazarus, at the head of all his saints and all his fools, at the head of all his Lazaroni, would scarcely, one would think, venture to feign to believe, that an English expedition would have prevented the peace of Tilsit. Yet are these men impudent enough to blame the late ministers for not wasting the blood of our army, and the money of the people, in the war which has just terminated! For the purposes of party even the Foreign Secretary has accused his predecessors, that is to say, "his Majesty's government," of want of faith towards the Emperor of Russia; he has imputed to them the cause of the peace of Tilsit; and, as the Morning Chronicle has well observed, he must be in a delicate situation, when, as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, he comes to defend the conduct of his own government towards Russia! Here we have an instance of the baneful effects of place-men being suffered to sit in the House of Commons. In their wrangling for place, out comes every thing that can make a figure in debate. If the successors of a ministry, who had acted unwisely or unjustly towards another nation, were not in parliament, and had no war of words to carry on there, they would, of course, take care to keep secret, as far as they could, such want of wisdom or of justice; but, as things now are, this can never be expected; and the poor country is situated as a gentleman would be, who should employ two stewards alternately, the chief business of one of whom being to discover flaws in every bargain or contract made by the other, without the least consideration as to the injury which such discovery might produce to their harrassed employer. Even in the discussions respecting the misfortunes, as they are called, of the continent, the predominant motive evidently is, the working out of praise or of censure of the two factions respectively. Every thing turns upon this pivot. Place and profit are the objects, before which all others vanish like a shadow.- With respect to the effect, which the stipulations of the peace of Tilsit may have upon England, I apprehend, for my part, no other than that which Every one must fear, namely, the leaving of Napoleon at leisure to plan his intended attacks upon England, and particularly upon Ireland, where, as it has been openly avowed in parliament, a French party exists. The loss of trade and commerce, which some persons are so alarmed at, has no terrors for me; for, the loss of that trade and commerce which the closing of foreign ports can take from us will never do us any harm. Com-,

mercial men, headed by a commercial minister, have succeeded in persuading this cozened nation, that almost all its taxes are paid by them. In my next, I shall endeavour to uncozen my readers upon this head; and I do flatter myself, that I am able to prove to the conviction of every human being, the determined Pittites excepted, that, if every port in the world was closed against us as effectually as it is possible to close it, the strength and real riches of our country would not be thereby diminished. I can easily dis cover reasons enough in such men as Fitt for propagating a contrary belief; but, I am quite unable to discover any one reason for our adopting it.I must return, for a moment, to the Emperor of Russia, in order to notice the progress, which the London papers are making in their abuse of him. The Morning Post, of the 4th instant says: “It "is reported, that the Russian Senate seat "for the Emperor Alexander, for the par? pose of hastening him from Tilsit. It was supposed, that this was not done with any "view of applauding his conduct; and there are many, who, having a perfect

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knowledge of the Russian character, do "not hesitate to say, that, should it appear "that Alexander has acted contrary to the "wishes of his people, the consequence may prove FATAL to him. So prevalent was this idea yesterday, that five guineas were given, to receive £100 if the Emperor Alexander should lose his life in a month. A considerable sum was subscribed on the speculation. The Russian nobility, most "of whom compose the senate, derive their 66 revenues from the commerce of the em"pire, and whenever that is cramped, they "uniformly become not only dissatisfied but "ferocious.". This is a pretty broad hint to these ferocious gentlemen to kill their Emperor: that "young and noble minded

and high-spirited monarch," who exchanged vows upon the tomb of the Great Frederick, in the church at Potsdam! And now these varlets would murder him! Or, rather, they would instigate others to do it ! It is plain" Alexander" now. No longer our august ally," for not sending troops and subsidies to whom the late ministry are (in the same breath with these maledictions against him) bitterly reproached. Mark, too, this Emperor is to be killed, if he has

HALL