Emperor of all the Russias, has, on his part, sels, unless it be for the purpose of carrying 1 His Majesty, the Emperor of France, King of Italy, Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, and his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, animated with the same interest in putting an end to the devastations of war, have, for this purpose, nominated and furnished with full power on the part of his Majesty the Emperor of France and King of Italy, Charles Maurice Talleyrand, Prince of Benevento, his Great Chamberlain, and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour, Kaighthe Red Eagle of the Prussian Order of the Black and the Order of St. Hubert.-His Majesty, the Art. II. Hostilities shall immediately cease at all points by sea or land, as soon as the intelligence of the present treaty shall be officially received. In the mean while, the high contracting parties shall dispatch couriers extraordinary to their respective generals and commanders.-Art. III. All ships of war or other vessels, belonging to the high contracting parties or their subjects, which may be captured after the signing of this treaty, shall be restored. In case of these vessels being sold, the value shall be returned. Art. IV. Out of esteem for his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, and to afford to him a proof of his sincere desire to unite both nations in the bands of immutable confidence and friendship, the Emperor Napoleon wishes that all the countries, towns, and territory, conquered from the King of Prus sia, the ally of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, should be restored, namely, that part of the Duchy of Magdeburg, si tuated on the right bank of the Rhine, the Mark of Prignitz; the Uker Mark Middle and New Mark of Brandenburg, with the exception of the Circle of Kotbuss, in Lower Alsace the Duchy of Pomerania; Upper, Lower, and New Silesia, and the County of Glatz that part of the District of the Netze, which is situated to the north the ward of the road of Driesen and Schneide muhl, and to the northward of a line drawn from Schneidemuhl through Waldau to the Vistula, and extending along the frontier of the circle of Bromberg, and the navigation of the river Netze and of the canal of Bremberg, from Driesen to the Vistula and back, must remain open and free of all tolls Po meclia; the island of Nogat; the country on the right bank of the Vistula and of the Nogat to the West of Old Prussia, and to the Northward of the circle of Calm; Eritelan Ely, the kingdom of Prussia, as if on this Janitary, 1772, togeses of સર્વ કા ૫ X statin ther with the Castric Neise: Brete the Duchy of Warsaw, the territory between the present confines of Russia, from the Bug to the mouth of the Lassona, shall extend in a line from the mouth of the Lassona along the towing path of the said river; and that of the Bobra, up to its mouth; that of the Narew from the mouth of that river as far as Suradiz, from Lissa to its source near the village of Mien; from this village to Nutzeck, and from Nutzeck to the mouth of that river beyond Nurr; and finally, along the towing path of the Bug upwards, to extend as far as the present frontiers of Russia. This territory is for ever united to the Empize of Russia-Art, X. No person of any rank or quality whatever, whose residence or property may be within the limits stated in the above-mentioned article, nor any inhabitant in those provinces of the ancient kingdom of Poland, which may be given up to his Majesty the King of Prussia, or any-person possessing estates, revenues, pensions, or any other kind of income, shall be molested in his person, or in any way whatever, on account of his rank, quality, estates, revenues, pensions, income, or otherwise, or in consequence of any part, political or military, which he may have taken in the events of the present war.-Art. XI. All contracts and engagements between his Majesty, the King of Prussia and the ancient possessors, relative to the general imposts, the ecclesiastical, the military or civil benefices, of the creditors or pensioners of the old Prussian government, are to be settled between the Emperor of all the Russias and his Majesty the King of Saxony; and to be regulated by their said Majesties, in proportion to their acquisitions, according to articles V. and IX, strany holds of he de nahed in the fame forantői fi biên, those for tresses, citacītis, Castles, and strong holds stles strong holds mây bêht present; abo, in addition to the above, the city and adel of Graudentz.adel of Graudentz.Art, Those prices which, on the 1st of Fannify 1772, formed a part of the kingdom Poland, and have since, at different times; been subjected to Prússia (with the exception of the countries named or alluded to in the preceding article, and of those which are described below the 9th article), shall become the possession of his Majesty the King of Saxony, with power of possession and sovereignty, under the title of the Duchy of Warsaw, and shall be governed according to a regulation, which will insure the liberties and privileges of the people of the said Duchy, and be consistent with the security of the neighbouring states. --Art. VI. The City of Dantzic, with a territory of two leagues round the same, is restored to her former independence, under the protection of his Majesty the King of Prussia, and his Majesty the King of Saxony; to be governed according to the laws by which she was governed at the time when she ceased to be her own mistress.--Art. VIP. For a communication betwixt the kingdom of Saxony and the Duchy of Warsaw, As Majesty the King of Saxony is to have the free use of a military road through the *.5 states 1of his Majesty the King of Prussia. This road, tlie number of troops which are allowed to pass at once, and, the resting plates shall be fixed by a particular agreement between the two sovereigns, under the mediation of France-Art. VIII. Neither his Majesty the King of Prussia, his Majesty the King of Saxony, nor the city of Dadzicy shall oppose any obstacles whatsinevento the free navigation of the Vistula unBer the name of tolls; rights, or duties. : mAktə{X}old order as far as possible to esta blish a natural boundary between Russia and Sade bas navend to bear on t Ath quil & to biswit -Art. XII. Their Royal Highnesses the Dukes of Saxe Cobourg, Oldenburg, and Mecklenburgh Schwerin, shall each of them be restored to the complete and quiet possession of their estates; but the ports in the Duchies of Oldenburgh and Mecklenburgh shall remain in the possession of French garrisons till the definitive treaty shall be signed between France and England.-Art. XIII His Majesty the Emperor Napoleon accepts of the mediation of the Emperor of all the Russias, in order to negociate and conclude a definitive treaty of peace between France and England; however, only upon condi tion that this mediation shall be accepted by England in one month after the exchange of the ratification of the present treaty.-Art. XIV. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias being desirous on his part to manifest how ardently he desires to establish the most intimate and lasting relations between the two Emperors, acknowledges his Majesty Joseph Napoleon, King of Naples, and his Majesty Louis Napoleon, King of Holland. -Art. XV. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, acknowledges the Confederation of the Rhine, the present state of the possessions of the princes belonging to it, and the titles of those which were conferred upon them by the act of confederation, or by the subsequent treaties of accession. His said Majesty also promises, information being communicated to him on the part of the Emperor Napoleon, to acknowledge those sovereigns who may hereafter become members of the confederation, according to their rank specified in the act of confederation. Art. XVI. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias cedes all his property in the right of sovereignty to the Lordship of Jevor, in East Friesland, to his Majesty the King of Holland.-Art. XVII. The present treaty of peace shall be mutually binding, and in force for his Majesty the King of Naples, Joseph Napoleon, his Majesty Louis NapoJeon, King of Holland, and the Sovereigns of the Confederation of the Rhine, in alliance with the Emperor Napoleon.-Art. XVIII. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias also acknowledges his Imperial Highness, Prince Jerome Napoleon, as King of Westphalia.-Art. XIX. The Kingdom of Westphalia shall consist of the provinces ceded by the King of Prussia on the left bank of the Elbe, and other states at present in the possession of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon.Art. XX. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias engages to recognize the limits which shall be determined by his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, in pursuance of the foregoing XIXth article, and the cessions of his Majesty the King of Prussia (which shall be notified to his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias), together with the state of possession resulting therefrom to the sovereigns for whose behoof they shall have been established.-Art. XXI. All hostilities shall immediately cease between the troops of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias and those of the Grand Seignior, at all points, wherever official intelligence shall arrive of the signing of the present treaty. The high contracting parties shall, without delay, dispatch couriers extraordinary to convey the intelligence, with the utmost possible expedition, to the respective generals and commanders-Art. XXII. The Prussian troops shall be withdrawn from the Provinces of Moldavia, but the said provinces may not be occupied by the troops of the Grand Seig nior, till after the exchange of the ratifications of the future definitive treaty of peace between Russia and the Ottoman Porte.Art. XXII. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias accepts the mediation of his Majesty the Emperor of France and King of Italy, for the purpose of negociating a peace advantageous and honourable to the two powers, and of concluding the same. The respective plenipotentiaries shall repair to that place which will be agreed upon by the two powers concerned, there to open the negociations, and to proceed therewith. Art. XXIV. The periods, within which the high contracting parties shall withdraw their troops from the places which they are to evacuate pursuant to the above stipulations, as also the manner in which the different stipulations contained in the present treaty, shall be executed, will be settled by a special agreement.-Art. XXV. His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, mutually ensure to each other the integrity of their possessions, and of those of the pow ers included in this present treaty, in the state in which they are now settled, or further to be settled, pursuant to the above stipulations.-Art. XXVI. The prisoners made by the contracting parties, or those included in the present treaty, shall be restored in a mass, and without any cartel of exchange on both sides.-Art. XXVII. The commercial relations between the French Empire, the Kingdom of Italy, the Kingdoms of Naples and Holland, and the Confederated States of the Rhine, on one side; and the Empire of Russia on the other, shall be replaced on the same footing as before the war. Art. XXVIII. The ceremonial between the two courts of the Thuilleries and Petersburgh, with respect to each other, and also their respective ambassadors, ministers, and envoys, mutually accredited to each other, shall be placed on the footing of complete equality and reciprocity.-Art. XXIX. The present treaty shall be ratified by his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias; the ratifications shall be exchanged in this city within the space of four days.Done at Tilsit, 7th July, (25th June), 1807. -(Signed) C. MAURICE TALLEYHAND, Pr. of Benevento.-Prince ALEXANDER KoURAKIN.Prince DIMITRY LABANOFF VAN ROSTOPF.A true Copy, (Signed) C. M. TALLEYRAND, Prince of Benevento. Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall Mall. VOL. XII. No. 8.] LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 22, 1807. [PRICE 10D. "But it is, nevertheless, to be feared, that the immediate wants of the ministers, the immediate pressure "of the times, may induce them to concede now, with the hope, perhaps, of undoing their concession *hereafter, upon the ground of its having been extorted from them. A vain hope, indeed! for the very " effect of the concession will be to prevent them from ever undoing the deed; and, moreover, as long as the present system remains, the country would, by such concession (supposing it to extend to a relinquishment of any part of our right of search), Le disabled for the resisting of further encroachment. This, one would think, they must plainly perceive; yet, if they should be persuaded, that a refusal to concede * will produce a diminution in the source of the taxes, I am greatly afraid, that, acting here, as they have "done every where else, upon the Pitt system of temporary expediency, they will concede. Such are "my fears. If the event shall prove them groundless, no one will more heartily rejoice than myself, and no one will be more ready to give praise unto those by whom the unjust demands of the American States "may have been resisted; but, in case of the realizing of these my fears, I shall not be backward in say"ing all that I dare, under our present laws, to say, against every one, who may have participated in pluck"ing this other, and almost the last, feather from the wings of my country. Under any circumstances, "however, under any laws, that do, or that may exist, I shall still have the power, and I am sure I shall "have the will, to bestow on them my hatred, and to treasure up in my heart the hope of seeing the day, "when the rest of my countrymen will think upon the subject as I do, and will have the power as well as "the inclination to act accordingly. The man who makes any part of his happiness to consist in promoting "the welfare of his country, should never give way to feelings of despair or of disgust; or, at any rate, he "should never permit those feelings so far to prevail as to deprive him of hope, or to check the operations " of his zeal, The man whose mind is fashioned for taking a share in those enterprizes, no matter of what "sort, that are connected with the fate of his country, will suffer no disappointments, no rebuffs, no acts "of folly or of wickedness, whether in the rulers or the people, to turn him aside from his pursuits. Such a man, if, with all his exertions, he be unable to prevent evil from being done, instead of despairing will "see new hope of good even from the excess of evil; and, applying these observations to the case before. us, if, unhappily, our ministers, acting from the influence before described, were now to yield the most "valuable of our rights to the American States, we ought still not to despair, but to labour with more “assiduity than ever in the producing of a state of things, which would enable our country to recover those "rights, and to hold then without the chance of their being again surrendered by such men and from "such motives; we should labour with more eagerness and resolution than ever in the producing of a state "of things, which would, for a long time, at least, prevent the possibility of the recurrence of such a "sarfender." -POLITICAL REGISTER, 20 Dec. 1806, Vol. X. p. 979. 2571 TO THE INDEPENDENT ELECTORS OF THE CITY AND LIBERTIES OF WESTMINSTER. Gentlemen, In resuming the subject of my last letter to you, I beg leave to remind you, that my reasons for using this mode of communicating my sentiments to the public, are, 1st, that, when addressing a body of persons of whose sound understanding one has an experimental proof, one is more likely to be cautious in stating, and correct in deducing; 2nd, that, having seen such striking proofs of your public-spirit, and having seen so little of that spirit elsewhere, I deem it a mark of respect justly your due, to appeal to you more particularly than to any other part of the nation; and, 3d; that I am fully persuaded, that, first or last, the opinions which you adopt and act upon, as to all matters whether foreign or domestic, will be adopted and acted upon by the whole of the people of this kingdom. -1258 The writer of the Independent Whig, whose talents and whose undaunted courage is quite worthy of all the admiration they have excited, is, notwithstanding his talents, mistaken, as he very well may be, with respect to what he calls the impolicy of the conduct or our commanders upon the American station. He says, that it is absurd to appre hend any serious injury to our maritime power from permitting the Americans to inveigle away and detain our seamen; and, he asserts, that, for one British sailor that there is on board the ships of America, there are fifty Americans, and others, on board of British ships. This is an assertion calculated to give us a higher opinion of this writer's boldness than of his information upon the subject on which he is writing; for, the seamen on board the American ships amount to about 70,000, and, upon divers occasions, when I was in America, it was stated, and generally acknowledged, that one fourth part of the seamen on board of American ships, were subjects born of this country; and, as to foreigners on board of our ships, the number is comparatively triding, and must be so, be I cause our officers have so great a dislike to them. It is hinted, that desertion from our ships might be prevented by avoiding to impress men on board, and by treating the seamen better when on board. Now, though, upon any of the principles of a free government, the impressing of seamen cannot be fully defended, still it is a thing which has always existed in England; and, it follows, of course, that, when a man, or boy, first enters a coal or any other merchant ship, he is well aware of the condition, namely, that when the greater service of the country requires him, he is liable to be taken into that service. When a practice has existed for so many ages, under all descriptions of kings and queens, and under all political revolutions, it requires much thought upon the matter before it be held up to public execration. I will draw uo comparison between the im pressing of seamen and the ballot for the militia, the latter being evidently partial in the last degree; but, those who are the most strenuous advocates for the liberties of the people, are ready to acknowledge, and, indeed, to insist, that every landsman, capable of bearing arms, is, and ought to be, liable to be called forth in defence of the country, if need require; and, if this be just, what injustice is there in calling forth seamen, in cases of similar need? Nor will it, I think, be objected, that, in the latter case, the call operates partially; it applies to all seamen; and, observe, that, from all calls in defence by land, seamen are exempted; to which may be added this circumstance, that seamen, when impressed, are not taken from their homes, and put into a new and strange state of life; but are taken from one ship to be put into another, have the same sort of labour to perform, and the same sort of life to lead; whereas the landsman, called forth to bear arms, is taken from his home and his business, is exposed to hardships unfamiliar to him, and returns, in all probability, injured in his mind, body, or estate. the treatment of our sailors when on board, my belief is, that much improvement might be made; but, Gentlemen, be you assured, that, as long, as confinement shall be irkSome to man; as long as change of scene shall be delightful to him; as long as a hankering after recreation and an indulgence of his desires shall form the leading propensities of his mind, so long will seamen, to whatever country belonging, and however treated while on board, continue, occasionally, to desert, and especiallyhen they can do it with certai nerous, therefore, as th met with heorld, how as they ale As to could we possibly keep our seamen, unless we maintained and exercised the right of searching for them?. Theirs we might have in return; but, theirs we do not want. We want to keep our own; we want to avoid confusion, a mixture of nations. Ships of war, indeed, the Americans have not many; but, if we admit the principle, that the national flag is to cover every thing, I will warrant it, that we shall soon see enough of the American national flags; and, as I before stated, we should see our own seamen, collected by the Americans, transferred to the service of France, by whom special care would be taken, that they should not again desert. This would, unquestionably, be the greatest evil that we could possibly experience; and this evil, unless we submitted to all the demands of America, however extravagant in themselves and however insolently urged, we should very soon have to en counter. But, Gentlemen, this writer, feels, or, at least, he expresses, great alarm, lest the Americans should shut their ports against our goods, in which feeling he has for rivals those disinterested patriots and profound politicians, the merchants trading with America, whose Proclamation I will here insert for your perusal. It is dated from the American "CHAMBER OF COMMERCE" at Liver pool, August 11th, 1507. "At a general "and very numerous meeting of the mem*bers of this association held this day, it 66 |