ly. There is, however, no such thing as beating it into the head of the Morning Chronicle I hope this is not personal), that there, is, or has been, or ever can be, any difference between our rights and the rights of any other nation, upon the seas; and, in this article before us, he coolly concludes, as if upon admitted premises, that," if the " right of searching ships of war be claimed by us, it must be conceded to the Americans. Why it must, he does not, indeed, tell us, but goes unconcernedly on to observe, that, as the Americans have scarcely any ships of war, and as ours are very numerous, we should get but few men out of theirs, while they, in all probability, would get great numbers out of ours. Really, after this, one need not be much surprised to hear it contended, that, because the magistrate has the power to take up the vagrant upon suspicion, the vagrant ought to have the same power with respect to the magistrate, than which a more satisfactory proof of equality of rights, could not, I think, be required, even by Lord Stanhope himself I agree, with Sir William Scott, that "the right of I search must unquestionably be exercised with as little of personal harshness, and of vexation in the mode, as possible; but, says the Morning Chronicle, it is not very "likely that it will be so exercised, when so

much pains are taken to raise both the contempt and the hatred of our navy "against the Americans."--This I take to myself, and am ready to justify it upon the best of all possible grounds, that of truth employed in defence of my country's interest and honour. I appeal to my readers, whether this very Morning Chronicle had, not conveyed to the public the paragraphs, contained in the American papers, abusive of our officers and of our country, before I said a word upon the subject; whether those paragraphs did not contain charges of cowardice and villainy against our officers, and threats against us, unless we instantly submitted to the American demands whether this Morning, Chronicle, and a weekly we ter who now condescends to borrow its plumes and fight under its wings, had not openly espoused the cause of these our revi lers, and, tacitly at least, approved of their revilings appeal to my readers, whether this be not true; and was it not, then, my duty to show to the public, and to other na tions, as far as I might have a chance of suc ceeding therein, not only that the charges against us were false, but also of what character our accusers were, and what were the motives of their accusations? Very tender is the Morning Chronicle of the reputation

of the Americans and of Captain (I beg his pardon, Commodore, I mean) Barron; bat nothing chafed does it appear at hearing Admiral Berkeley denominated "a piratical "commander in chief," Captain Humphreys “ a murderer,” and Captain Douglas, one of the best even of British naval officers, an insolent ruffian." Let the Americans abuse us in their own prints as long as they please; but, as often as their abuse is circulated by the prints in England, and, through those prints, is likely to find its way to other countries, so often will I, though singlehanded, use my best endeavours to furnish an antidote to the poison, and, if I am not successful, the fault, I am resolved, shall not be mine. If the consequence of my animadversions upon these American attacks, be that contempt and hatred, of which the Morning Chronicle so feelingly deprecates the effects, the fault be with the agressor; for I have not yet brought myself to adopt the Quaker maxim, that it is the second blow which is most sinful, because it is that which makes the battle. My belief is, that pens as well as limbs, were given us for our defence, and that, if the attack be unjust, the defence is just. Suffer these aspersions, these bitter reproaches against us, to pass, in our own journals, unresented, and what is the consequence? Why, that the whole world will believe them to be just; or that we are so base and infamous become, that, from motives of party or of discontent at the conduct of our rulers, while many take delight in promulgating charges of foreigners against their country, there is not a man. amongst us, who will move pen or tongue in its defence. I have a quarrel with abuses of all sorts, I have a quarrel with peculation and plunder, under whatever specious names they may be disguised; but, I have no quarrel with my country, which I live in hopes of seeing restored to all the liberties and blessings she formerly enjoyed. In all law. ful endeavours to effect a reform of the destructive abuses that exist, I will set my

foot as far as he that goes farthest," in the way either, of labour or of sacrifice; I have so done hitherto; but, I trust, that nothing will ever induce me to act as if I thought to escape from my share of the reproach, due to those abuses, by throwing the blame upon the country instead of throwing it upon those who ought to bestir themselves for the restoration of her liberties and renown. The Morning Chronicle may resent, as long as it pleases, my imputations of coldness towards the country; but, cold and abstracted I must say it is, upon all questions wherein, the country is a party; and, I will further say,

that the whole of the politicians, belonging to the Whigs, have but too frequently discovered the same sort of feeling. It is but of late years that this feeling has crept in; this surprising liberality; this perfect impartiality. Abont four years ago, the editor of the Booksellers' Annual Register took oc. easion to remark that it was time to lay aside, the song of Britannia rule the waves," as being insulling to foreign nations! And, it is truly curious, that this man's name was Thompson, whereunto he had, for the purpose, I suppose, of distinguishing himself from the immortal author of the song, preyailed, for what price I know not, upon the learned gentlemen of Edinburgh to add the title of Doctor of Laws. This proposition alone, published, as it was, in a book of wide circulation, is sufficient to stamp the character of the age. I am for our ruling the waves still, being confident, that, if we cease to do that, we shall soon be released from the trouble of ruling the land.

AMERICAN STATES. The London prints have extracted from those of America, within these few days, several articles, which clearly show, that a considerable part of the people of that country are, as I said they would be, decidedly opposed to the assertion of those arrogant pretensions, of which the "Revenge" cutter is supposed to have been the bearer. One of these articles I cannot refrain from extracting. It is dated at Boston, August the 10th, and it will serve as a pretty tolerable good answer to all those, who have expressed such alarm at the prospect of a rupture with America.“Some

of our warm democratic papers, consider "it a mere half-day's job to ruin Great Bri "tain, and compel her to subscribe to such "terms, as in our humanity we may conde*scend to offer, Were it as easy to do as

to talk, we could have made England "long 'ere this, one of the territories of the.

United States. Supposing, while they "are making their calculations, we also "make a few.In the first place, it is

agreed, that the war will be on the ocean, almost entirely: and on the ocean, let it "be seriously enquired, how little we can gain, and how much we must lose. Great "Britain will not hazard her produce and "manufactures to the capture of our privateers. She will convoy together perhaps an hundred sail of merchantmen, by ten frigates, or even five. Can we capture them? No. We are to trade to the West Indies, to neutral ports, and to the ports ** of her enemies, says one paper; but how "are they to be convoyed? Will our mer

chants pay our privateers for convoy? If

they should, it ought to be remembered, that individuals in England, will fit out privateers to match us, and will be back"ed by almost one thousand armed vessels "of the government. Our underwriters "would not demand a premium of less than

fifty per cent. to insure to France, Spain, "the Baltic, or the Mediterranean. And "what would they demand to insure to the "West Indies? Little less to the West In"dies, after active engagement in war on

both sides.What prizes are we to "take on the ocean? One privateer may "take another; but few American privas "teers will take a single English merchant"man. So far from the country's being "enriched by privateering-so far from our "having" 700 respectable privateers," as "our government paper declares, our "owners of vessels could not fit out one "hundred. They would want a prospect "of success: they would rather, from eco

66

nomy, permit their vessels gradually to "rot in their docks. Men engage not in "privateering, seamen enlist not in priva "teering, without an expectation, a strong "probability, of a balance of chances in

their favour.- -But the Intelligencer is "told to say, that we are to receive an income equal to our revenue, from "700 "respectable privateers." What ideot be"lieves it? Yet, if it were so, it is no income to the government. How is our "civil list to be paid? How our national "debt decreased? Aye, but the democratic bawling for the necessity of lowering and "banishing the national debt, entirely ceases, when we can hire money to ruin ourselves, to ruin the British, and to aggrandize France. We can hire money" we have now a "national estab"lished credit," and can hire money. We "" can afford to lose a revenue of a dozen "millions of dollars, and run in debt yearly "four millions. We once could not do so.

،،

"For French or Spanish insults, or spolia

tions, or aggressions on our rights, our "honour, or our territory, nothing could be "done; not even provision made for 4000 men. The case is widely different. We see it is. England is the insulter now. The Spaniards, backed by the French, "and because backed by the French, may "shut the port of New Orleans; may keep "" us with an armed force from territory purchased; may carry off our citizens, may exact and receive, duties at the Mos "bile, when our government years since by law established a custom-house to re "ceive duties ourselves; may seize the mi litary stores of the United States; mây

kick our Plenipos down the back stairsf

her ministers; in short, may do what she *pleases and our executive, with mule. Slike patience, takes the whips and kicks, ** talks big in his messages, and tells his *private understrappers to talk little in the "House of Representatives; and all this "because Spain is France, and France, Buonaparté, and Buonaparté is

at the head of an "enlightened government."We have no idea of succum"bing to the insults or injuries of either na❝tion; nor do any but children and block

heads declare so; nor any but children and blockheads, believe, that those are "❝tories," or partial to Britain, because

they wish to avoid war, if consistent with ***national honour, and our rights. Yet the whole answer, and the whole argument ❝of certain democrats is, tories, tories, to"ries. With far more truth could we say,

admits of," the President's Proclamation. "to prove they were American citizens. "With shame and with sorrow we say, we "have an executive in whom we wish we " could place more reliance. We know “ not but that they are American; but Ad"miral Berkeley says NO in his Proclama"tion. Why will not the Intelligencer ob. tain from government the documents that

induced the President to believe them "Americans? They would give great sa"tisfaction."-- My life upon it, they will be found to be British subjects. I never believed the contrary, for one moment; and this article confirms me in my first persuasion.-Party spirit may, for aught I know, have had some influence with this writer; but, his arguments are before us; of them we can safely judge; and they tend to confirm all that I have said respecting the consequences of a war to the American States.

In vain would the American government impose prohibitions with respect to the supplying of our West-India Islands with provision and lumber: The people of America would supply them in pite of all prohibitions. They would clear their chips out for other ports and go to ours. They would agree with English privateers to cap

❝et.

some complacency, could the agricul "turist, whose surplus productions would "thereby be denied a market; could the

mechanic and artificer, whose labour "would cease, for want of employment; "could the merchant, whose commercial "speculations would entirely be suspended, "unless exercised at a risk, that would for"bid even the hope of profit, be prevailed "on to think as he thinks, and act as he ❝ advises.—The additional force ordered out "by the executive of this commonwealth **is, we understand, intended for the pur"pose of preserving order, in case of riots,

illegal proceedings and disorders, and to assist the magistracy, should such disturbances occur. It is often the case that acts the most illegal and unjustifiable are "committed partly through violence, part"Ty through ignorance, but mostly from "the instigation of particular seditious tem“pers and the writings of such scribblers

as are constantly endeavouring to disturb "the peace of the town, through the ** Chronicle. This measure of the Com"mander in Chief is prudent, and highly

praise-worthy.-The Intelligencer says, we have the highest authority the case

would evade all the laws, if hundreds were made, upon the subject; or, not being able to evade them, the States to the north for, as they call it there, to the east), would openly set the general government at defiance, and effect that separation, for which some of them have long wished,' and' which has even been proposed in print.--Here, I think, the public mind seems to be made up to war with America, rather than yield the smallest particle of our rights to her; and, indeed, the events, which have recently taken place in Europe, so far from rendering it advisable to yield in this respect, must, unless the plans of the ministers be partial and paltry, lead to an abridgement of that liberty of navigation, which the Americans have hitherto enjoyed upon the sea. America is now the great trading neutral power; the chief feeder of our foe; and, though she is not to be blamed for thus con sulting her interests, we shall be compelled to interfere with these her pursuits, or, we shall soon fall under that foe. This is to be done without a war, and even without a quarrel. A declaration, on the part of the king, applying equally to all neutral nations, and stating broadly the necessity of exercising an absolute maritime dominion, until a change should take place with respect to the governing powers of those states of Europe,

..

containing sea-ports and naval arsenals, would be quite sufficient to disarm of its power to do mischief the malignity of the Gallo-Americans. Such regulations as we ought to adopt, while they would most terribly annoy and distress our enemies, would do no injury at all to the people of America. Their goods, and their foreign freights or a considerable part of them, might still find free passage and all the difference would be, that our enemies would have to pay ten times as dear for them.--In a former article, I made some remarks upon the proclamation of the Corresponding Society of American Merchants, issued from their court at Liverpool; and, I am now glad to have it in my power to communicate to my readers, the answer to that proclamation, given by a committee of American mer chants, assembled at the City of London Tavern on the 21st of August, and which answer, prefaced by a letter from one of those merchants, will be found in a subsequent page of this sheet. This answer does great credit to the persons, by whom it was given it pretty fully justifies my opinion of the prockmation, and, I hope, that the reception it has met with will tend to make the court at Liverpool less arrogant in itstone, upon future occasions. To say the truth, the so vereigns of that count received their impulse from the Morning Chronicle and Mr. Whitbread. Theywere alarmed for the safety of their cargoes, and their debis, compared with which the honour and even the lives of Admiral Berkeley, and his officers were in their eyes, mere trifles.I think, for my part, that it would be best to have no treaty of commerce at all with America, I cannot see any good that it could possibly lead to Let trade alone. I warrant the mer chants will find out the way to carry it on between our soverd settlements and countries. The shackles upon the American trade with our West Indies are, injurious to those colonies without producing any benetis to our navigation The main object is to prevent our fees from receiving, either direly or indirectly, though the means of the American ships, any supply of any sort, without paying an enormous price for them. While those foes have hundreds of American merchant ships in their service, they want none of their own; but, take these away, or load the supplies with heavy taxes (for ever check operates as a tax), and the distress must be severely felt. Suppose all American ships, bound to France, or to any geantry under the dominion of France, were bought into our ports and taxed according to the value of het cargo the consequence Encorons, 4

"have since declared that there were more. " than 100 British seamen in the American

frigate, deservers from his Majesty's ships on this station, and from British merchant vessels, swho were not taken out by Capt. "Humphreys, because his officers could "not identify them The American "Papers mention only 3 men killed and 13 "wounded: the truth is, that men were "killed, and 21 wounded; and it is obvious for what reason the numbers were thus "mistated. The men whose names are "omitted were preved to have been deser ters from the British navy; and one of them, the officer (gunner), lately from ther Chichester.- These facts being

welbrascertained the candid reader, in "America or any other part of the world,

may be left to draw his own conclusion "whether commodore Barron has acted * Consistently with the orders of his governs

"

meat; or whether, forgetting his digni"fied situation he has stooped to evade and * prevaricate.Now; if this statement be true, and I am strongly inclined to think it is so, away go all the American lies, and away go, too, all the fine calculations of the Morning Chronicle about the trifling

number of seamen" whom we should lose by a forbearance such as it so strongly recommends for our adoption! I know how the American captains and news-papers will disfigure facts; know that they will stickat Do falsehoods, and I know that, on the part of our officers, heretofore, there has been but too mach inclination to forego the exercise of their country's rights, in all cases where the Americans have been a party. I could mention the names of some, whom the Americans have recently disgraced by their praises, who appeared tu me much more anxious about their money, lodged in the American funds, than about the interests of England. Admiral Berkeley and his captains have shown a different disposition Land, whotrast; they will receive the support of the ministry and the gratitude of the countryllid enw otw (150009) 1950

ply, that there remained a doubt as to the manifest intentions of Napoleon, and, of course, a doubt as to the necessity of the measure; which doubt ought not, in my opinion, to have been excited; for, I do not believe, that it existed before. There has been much ranting upon the subject of the sufferings of the "unoffending Danes;" but, how could we avoid causing those suf ferings, without abandoning the object? And here again we come to the original question of necessity. Upon this question I will just ask: do you, Sir, the editor of the Morning Chronicle believe, that, if this measure had not been taken, we should not have seen a confederacy of Russia and Denmark, sufficient to have taken forty thousand men on board, and to have kept employed forty sail of our line of battle ships with a proportionate number of smaller vessels Do you not believe this? I should like a yea, or a nay, to this question: and, if you say yea, if you say that you do not believe it, and if you speak sincerely, then is your conduct upright; but otherwise it is not.

The circumstance, too, mentioned in the Declaration, that the Danes pleaded the over-awing influence of France, in 1801, for entering into a similar confederacy, though in defiance of a positive treaty with us, is conclusive in justification of the prescnt measure; and, with the knowledge of this fact, the ministers would have been guilty of the blackest treason, and would have deserved to lose their lives, infinitely more than Despard deserved to lose his life, if they had not acted in the manner they have done.What may be the real intentions of Russia now I know just as much as the writers in London appear to know; but, she seems to have been staggered. I hope, however, that this operation of ours will not lead to a renewal of the war in the north of Europe, with all its curses of embassies and subsidies and commissaries and aides-de-camp? and new plunder upon us. The Emperors of the East and of the West have got the confident between diem; let them keep it, till they are disposed, through the means of our faval exertions, to give up some of the countries, having ports and arsenals, and their possession of which is dangerous to England. We have the full power of producing this disposition in their minds and, if, for the sake of Hanover, or any steh paltry object, we stop short of producing it, we ought to perish, and our namis

blotted out of the catalogue of nations. The Morning Chronicle, in reverting to the subject of the Danish expedition, say "we are not here before an impartial tribu