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With the burden of Atlas on your back, you are, at the same time, the greatest Hector I 'ever heard of. Not contented in adding America to the list of your enemies, you seem also to have no objections to end a truce with this peaceable part of the creation. But, go on, Mr. Cobbett, you know exceedingly well how to earn your bread and butter. And if you will only allow us fair play, be assured, we shall never propose to gag you. I wish, then, to correct you in a few points that you have either mis-stated, or not stated at all, respecting this here coun ́try. You say, that the taxes, raised annally in Scotland amount to something less than one-seventeenth of the taxes raised in Great Britain," and that, "the population of Scotland amounts to something less than one-seventh of the population of Great Bri-. tain." And then, by your ready arithmetic, you tell us sneeringly, that " each person in England, (including Wales) each of these Jazy vicious English, pays to the state annually much more than double the sum that is paid by each of those industrious and moral Scotch, of whom our labourers, &c. &c." Why so much irony, Mr. Cobbett ? You will surely grant me that, according to the present system of taxation in Great Britain, every man pays (at least, as much so as possible) in proportion to his circumstances and situation in life. If two persons worth a thousand pounds each; pay together - hundred pounds in taxes, while another person worth two thousand pounds pays as much as both of them, have they not all equal credit for their contributions? May they not be all equally mtelligent, cqually useful, equally bonourable members of the state, although towards the support of it one of them pays twice as much as the other two individually? Just so it is with Scotland. Our means when compared with England, are not in proportion to our population. But there is something more to be said on the subject, and I must request of you to take notice of the rapidity with which we have been improving for the last century. Lord Buchan says, (and I think the opinion of a strong anti-unionist may be pretty safely trusted) that at the Union of England and Scot land, England is supposed to have been snperior to Scotland as thirty to one in landed revenne, and forty to one in general opuInce. Now, Sir, if in the course of a hundred years, we have from such a state of diminativeness improved our resources, so as to enable us to pay a seventeenth part of the *taxes for the support of our government, by "applying one of your own rules in arithmetic, I find that this little nation of fifteen

hundred thousand souls, should be capable in seventy four years hence, to pay a sum equal to England, "the great nation," with eight millions of rich subjects. I-am surprised, Mr. Cobbett, to hear you talk so insidiously of Scotch industry. You say you have seen colonies that have been settled by Englishmen, and some by Irishmen, but you never saw a country settled and cleared by the labour of Scotchmen." This, Mr. Cobbett, is not like your usual candour, for, although you may never have seen countries cleared by Scotchmen, you certainly must have heard of such places as Prince Edward's Island, near the coast of Nova Scotia, New Galloway in the state of new York in America, and many more, cultivated and inhabited by Scotchmen entirely. I cannot understand why you should have spoken in this manner, unless with a view to impress upon the minds of the rich, rather than the poor, that education has a tendency to give a people idle habits and to make them aspire to situations incompatible with the general interests of a nation. But depend upon it those notions are erroneous; no doubt, a person with some education will very soon acquire an ascendency over those that have none, but where all are nearly on an equality in this respect, there is no lawful occupation whatever but what will be filled even by persons who can read and write the English language very well. You never were in Scotland, I suspect, Mr.Cobbett, Should you come to this part of the country, it would give me much happiness to meet with you. And I shall engage to shew you Journeymen Butchers at their masters' stalls, and labourers working at the public ronde, who can read and write as well as you can do.— I don't mean to say that they are able to hammer at hard words, or to out up a review in such a style as Mr. Cobbett, I only allude to what may be called the mechanical part of their scholarship; yet these men are happy and contented, and perhaps not one in a thousand ever thinks of out-bounding his useful sphere.—I do admire, as much as any one, the good nature, the Amany virtues, and, generally speaking, the comfortable state, of the people of England In several good things they are greatly before my country, particularly in cleanliness, which coming with propriety under the name of a domestic excellence, tothe merit of it, I think your females ate beste entitled. But in this respect, I am glad to say, we are also mending very fast-And now, give me leave, Mr. Cobbett, to lay before you something like a comparative statement of the crimes committed in bath countries,

-I have heard an affirmation made, and I believe it cannot be refuted, that take the whole number of criminals executed in Scotland in the last twenty years (including foreigners) they will not average in a year more than seven or eight. Need I say any thing of your Newgate Calendar? I think I may safely aver that in one County in England, with a population of three hundred thousand, there are more capital crimes committed annually, than in all Scotland in two years And I have seen such hellish scenes in Lancashire, in their mode of fighting there, as, I am sure, would have chil led the blood of Rab Roy. Such feelings and conduct in Caledonians you surely will not attribute to any national timidity or want of valour. Without partiality I am rather inclined to place them to the credit of general education, and consequently, a general amelioration on the ruder passions of the mind in all classes of the community.I am, Sir, &c.-A SAWNEY.-Peterheard, September 11, 1807.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPER. DENMARK.- -Declaration of the King of Great Britain, relative to the War with Denmark, dated Westminster, September 25, 1807.

His Majesty owes to himself and to Europe a frank exposition of the motives which have dictated his late measures in the Baltic. His Majesty has delayed this exposition only in the hope of that more amicable arrangement with the Court of Denmark, which it was his Majesty's first wish and endeavour to obtain; for which he was ready to make great efforts and great sacrifices, and of which he never lost sight even in the moment of the most decisive hostility.-Deeply as the disappointment of this hope has been felt by his Majesty, he has the consolation of reflecting, that no exertion was left untried on his part to produce a different result. And while he laments the cruel necessity which has obliged him to have reccurse to acts of hostility against a nation with which it was his Majesty's most earnest desire to have established the relations of common interest and alliance; his Majesty feels conti dent that, in the eyes of Europe and of the world, the justification of his conduct will be found in the commanding and indispensible duty, paramount to all others amongst the obligations of a sovereign, of providing, while there was yet time, for the immediate security of his people His Majesty had received the most positive information of

the determination of the present ruler of
France to occupy, with a military force, the
territory of Holstein, for the purpose of ex-
cluding Great Britain from all her accustom-
ed channels of communication with the con-
tinent; of inducing or compelling the court
of Denmark to close the passage of the
Sound against the British commerce, and
navigation; and of availing himself of the
aid of the Danish marine for the invasion of
Great Britain and Ireland. Confident as his
Majesty was of the authenticity of the sour-
ces from which this intelligence was derived,
and confirmed in the credit which he gave
to it, as well by the notorious and repeated
declarations of the enemy, and by his recent
occupation of the towns and territories of
other neutral states, as by the preparations
actually made for collecting a hostile force
upon the frontiers of his Danish Majesty's
continental dominions, his Majesty would
yet willingly have forborne to act upon this
intelligence, until the complete and practical
disclosure of the plan had been made mauris
fest to all the world. His Majesty did for-
bear, as long as there could be a doubt of
the urgency of the danger, or a hope of an
effectual counteraction to it, in the means or
in the dispositions of Denmark. But his
Majesty could not but recollect, that when,
at the close of the former war, the court of
Denmark engaged in a hostile confederacy
against Great Britain, the apology offered
by that court for so unjustifiable an abandon-
ment of a neutrality which his Majesty bad
never ceased to respect, was founded on its
avowed inability to resist the operation of ex-
ternal influence, and the threats of a formi-
dable neighbouring power. His Majesty
could not but compare the degree of influence
which at that time determined the decision
of the court of Denmark, in violation of po-
sitive engagements, solemnly contracted but
six months before, with the increased ope-
ration which France had now the means of
giving to the same principle of intimidation,
with kingdoms prostrate at her feet, and
with the population of nations under her
banners. Nor was the danger less eminent
than certain. Already the army destined
for the invasion of Holstein was assembling
on the violated territory of neutral Ham-
burgh, and, Holstein once occupied, the
island of Zealand was at the mercy of France,
and the navy of Denmark at her disposal.-
It is true, a British force might have found
its way into the Baltic, and checked for a
time the movements of the Danish ma-
rine.
(To be continued.)

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75. Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges tret
Covent Garden, where termer Numbers may be bad, cold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mine Pall Mall.

VOL. XII: No. 15:] ·

LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1807. [PRICE 10D.

The natural born subject of one prince, to whom he owes allegiance, may be entangled by subjecting himself to another; but, it is his own act that brings him into these straits and difficulties, of owing service to two masters; and it is unreasonable, that, by such voluntary act of his own, he should be **able, at pleasure, to unloose those bands, by which he is connected to his natural prince."STONE, Book 1. Chap. 10. 1

545]

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. EXPATRIATION.In the present volume of the Register, at p. 433, there is a letter, signed S. V, "on the necessity of a "declaratory law, or stipulation, with fo"reign powers, respecting the expatriation

of British subjects, particularly with the United States of America."-To me, who know how many persons there are în this country, and how many more there are in America, who derive great emolument from acting the double part of British subjects and American citizens, it does not ap pear at all surprising, that a measure, such as that proposed by S. V. has met with an openly avowed advocate.- -S. V. has begun by stating, in support of his doctrine, the opi nion of a French writer, named PECQUET; but, of that opinion it will be best to speak, after we have taken a view of the law of England, in this respect, as far as the statutes go. In order to show, that the statute law favours the supposition, that a British subject may expatriate himself, and may become, to all intents and purposes, an alien, and of course, justifiable in taking up arms against his native country, S. V. refers to the act of 14 and 15 Henry 8th, chapter 4; by which act such subjects of England, as had settled in other countries, and sworn obedience thereunto, should, so long as they should so remain, pay customs, &c. in England," as other strangers paid." Whence this writer infers, that, "it is implied, that "persons may become subjects to other

powers, and that, by such election to de"part from their natural allegiance, they "become aliens to their native country for ** so long a time as they shall chuse to con"tinue their new subjection; but, if they "elect to become subjects of England again, "they may have the king's writ, which will "entitle them to their former immunities "of Englishmen, upon their residing again * in England;" than which inference nothing, in my opinion, can be less warranted by the promises. The sole object of this statute was, to prevent such subjects as were

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settled abroad, and had sworn subjection to foreign states, from enjoying, during their settlement abroad, the rights and immunities enjoyed by their fellow-subjects, who, at the same time, remained at home. The act is purely prohibitory; and does, in no possible sense of the words, imply any relinquishment, on the part of England, of its claims to the allegiance of the personis, thus to be treated as aliens, during their settlement abroad, much less does it recognize any right, on the part of those persons, to become enemies of England. It supposes fairly and truly, that Englishmen may possibly become subjects of foreign states. The fact was so; nor was it then, nor is it now, to be prevented by the native country; for, a subject being once landed in a foreign country, what power have you over him, while he remains there? It is for the foreign country to determine, whether it will admit him to become its subject, and to share in its immunities; it is for you, while he so remains, to deprive him, if you please, of the immunities of his native country, as was done by this act of Henry VIII.; but, you do not, thereby, lose any of your rights with respect to him, nor he any of his rights with respect to his country, in which, when he returns to it, he is precisely upon the footing that he was before. The next act of parliament, to which he refers, is that of the 3d of James I. chapter the 4th. This was an act for the better discovering and "repressing of Popish Recusants." Sections 18, 22, and 23, are those which apply to this question. The first of these sections makes it felony in any natural born subject of the king to enter into the service of any foreign prince, or state, without having previously taken the oath of allegiance and abjuration; the 22d section makes it high treason in any one to persuade any of the king's subjects to withdraw themselves from their natural obedience, or to move them to promise obedience to any other prince or state, particularly the Pope, or See, of Rome; the 23d section makes it high treason in any

of the king's subjects to be so willingly withdrawn or reconciled. Here, to be sure, there is nothing positively in favour of the idea of the right of a subject to expatriate himself. Yet, does S. V. after the manner of my Lord Peter, make a shift to twist this act to his purpose; for, says he, though it is made treason in a subject to be "so with"drawn, if the person withdraws his alle"giance of his own mere motion, I appre"hend he is not subject to the penalty men: "tioned in the 23d section." This statute, therefore, says he, "does not essentially "disannul the implication and inference "of the statute of Henry VIII. ;" which last mentioned statute does, he says, in the last section," clearly admit the right of ex

patriation."As S. V. draws no positive inference from this act of James I.; and merely introduces it for the purpose of disarming it of its hostility, we will leave it where it is, and see, for a moment, whether the last section of the act of Henry VIII. does clearly admit the right of expatria"tion," The words of that section I will insert, after having given the substance of the preamble and of the preceding section; there being but two sections in the act. The preamble states, that many subjects of this. realm have gone with their wives and families into foreign countries, that they have there built houses and settled in trade, have sworn obeisance to the powers there, and have thus deprived their native country of the advantages, which she would naturally derive from their exertions and their wealth; that this tends to increase the opulence and strength of those countries, and to the dimis nution of the opulence and strength of Eng land; wherefore, it is, in the first enacting clause, ordained, that, for the future, as long as such persons so remain, they shall be compelled to pay customs, subsidies, and tolls in the same manner as other strangers; but, that (and now we come to the words of the much-relied-upon section)," it here "after it shall happen any such person or persons to return into the realm, and here to tarry and inhabit, that then he or they shall be restored to all such berties and "freedoms in paying of customs and subsi-' *dies, and other charges, as all other En

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glishmen do use to pay, and to have a "writ out of the Chancery for the same." Verily, my Lord Peter, in discovering a permission to wear shoulder-knots, was a bungler compared to him, who has, in this section, found out a clear admission of the

right of expatriation!" There is not, in this act, a word about allegiance or alienage. No such matter was before the parliament,

who were contriving merely how they should prevent subjects settled abroad from enjoying those immunities which, were enjoyed by subjects residing at home. And, as to the "king's writ," who would not imagine, from the manner in which it is mentioned by S. V. that it was an instrument to re-naturalize the party? The writ, as we find in the foregoing section, was merely an order, issued from the Chancery, "to the customers,

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comptrollers, and other officers of the king's custom, in every port, haven, or "creek, within the realm;" and, the purpose of it, in the case contemplated, was, to remove the disabilities of the party as far as related to customs, subsidies and tollsThe last statute, to which we are referred by S. V. is that of the 5th George I. chapter 27th, made as a check to the emigration of artificers. S. V. calls this an indefinite and very general, term; but, he will gather, from the preamble of the act, that merchants are not meant to be included, though that, I suppose, is what he would drive at. This act says, that, if any artificer or manufacturer go into a foreign country, and does not return within six months, after warning given him, he shall be deemed an alien;" by "which statute," says S. V. " we see, that "Englishmen are expressly allowed to be"come subjects of other powers." Expresslý! Where does he find this? Does the act say any such thing? No; the act is penal all through; and, from the foregoing part of the section, it is obvious, that the party offending was to be considered as an alien, only as that construction of his character would expose him to punishment, or inconvenience. In case of disobedience, after having received due notice to return home, such emigrated artificer is rendered incapable of taking any legacy that shall be devised to him in this kingdom, of being an executor or adminis trator to any person in this kingdom, of taking any lands, tenements, or hereditaments, by descent, devise, or purchase; and is to forfeit all his lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods, and chattels, in this kingdom, to the king; after which come the only words, that S. V. has thought proper to notice, to wit; and shall, from thenceforth, "be, and be deemed and taken to be an "alien, and shall be out of his Majesty's protection." Eut, all this is merely for punishment. The emigrant is to be an alien only as far as he is punished by being taken: in that character; and, if found in arms against his country, would, notwithstanding this act, be liable to be punished as a traitor.. Besides, what does this act make for the doc-? trine of S. V upon the supposition that, noe

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warning be given to the emigrant to return home? In that case, he is not to be "deem*ed an alien." So that, according to S. V.'s construction of this act, if two weavers, Jack and Dick, emigrate, and are afterwards found in arms against their country, Jack, who has had due Warning to return home, is a prisoner of war, because he is to be deemed an alien; while poor Dick, who has had no warning, and who does not add contumacy to his original offence, is to be hanged by the neck till he is dead! The warning being necessary to the perfecting of alienage, no man can be deemed an alien, even in the sense of this act, until the warning be given. This warning to the emigrant is neither more nor less than a threat of being deprived of the right of taking legacies, holding lands, &c. and this S. V. denominates "an express "permission to become a subject of a fo"reign state!" But, if, for argument's sake, we were to adopt this absurd construction of the act of George I. what would it ayail S. V. as to his main purpose; namely, that of enabling men to withdraw themselves from their allegiance to the king, in order to their security when they had sworn allegiance to the American States? First, they must be artificers or manufacturers; next they must, from our ambassador in America, have had due warning to return home; and next, they must have refused to obey that warning. Is there one single emigrant to America, who can plead this title to the quality of alien' Why, then, refer to this act? And if for the purpose of sanctioning the principle of alienage, pray remember the subjoined conditions. Alienage upon such conditions, I do not perceive any very great objection to. Let it be made law, that whosoever shall choose to withdraw his allegiance, and become a citizen of America, shall, at once, be, for ever, deprived of the rights and immunities of an Englishman; shall take no legacy, hold no lands or houses, forfeit all his goods, chattels, annuities, and debts, and be entitled to no protection whatever from England; pass such a law, for future operation, and I have not only no objection to it, if you except those only who have made fortunes from the public revenue, but will give it my hearty assent. But, I am not to be inveigled to give my approbation to an alienage" pro tempore;" to a to-and-again, a backwardaud-forward, allegiance, however convenient it might be to some persons; an allegiance that would enable a man, as an American citizen, to ship off powder to the Freach, or to command a privateer in the service of Francey to day; and, in two months afterwards, to claim, as an Englishman, his right

of throwing into jail, as his debtor, some English merchant, whom he might have ruined by his privateer; and all this with perfect security to himself.After this, the question, does it seem reasonable that

the character of British subject is unalien" able," requires but little by way of answer. Nor do I see any necessity for a declaratory law, or a positive stipulation, upon the subject. To the latter should object, because it would be an unmerited compliment to the Americans, who are the only nation that has hitherto had the audacity to raise a standard of alienage; and because it would seem, as if we thought it necessary fo justify ourselves in the eyes of the world for not permitting our laws to bend to their insolent regulations; and, fo the former I should object, because it would, as well as a stipulation, imply a doubt as to the past, and give rise to claims of exemption on the part of those, who have heretofore become what they call citizens of the United States,—— S. V. seems to think, that he has reduced the law, as it is at present held, to a sad absurdity. "It is requisite," says he, "to make a "declaratory law upon the subject of expa"triation, because it has been held by per"sons, sitting in judgment upon the claims "of creditors of individuals of a foreign ná❝tion, that, although the character of ""British subject is unalienable by the in""dividual, yet the acceptance of that of

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subject of another country, bars all right to complain of the acts of the ""latter." Now," says he, "what is this, that a British subject cannot ex

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patriate himself, but having expatriated "himself, he must no more look to his pa"rent country for redress against the acts "of his new task-masters? Here is a decla "ration that a British subject cannot with

draw his allegiance in one line, and, in "the next, that he may accept of the cha-" "racter of a foreign subject; or, in other "words, that he may alien his unaliena"ble rights." This passage would have re, flected honour upon counsellor Botherem.. himself. It is really a choice specimen of.. what a man of talents may do in the way of. beating plain words out of their honest, meaning. But, Mr. Lawyer Botherem, the little word cannot, like a great number of other words, little as well as big, has two meanings; and, in the judiciously confound ing of these consists, as far as my observation has gone, no small part of the art of the fa mily of Botherem: Cannot, Sir, in the lin guage of the law, and in the sense in which you use it, in the above passage, nicans, alegal inability or prohibition with respect to

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