to superintend the discipline of the native cavalry, it has also extended itself to this branch of the army-When we consider the whole affair of Vellore, the circumstances in which it originated, and the part which it fell to the lot of Lieut. Col. Gillespie to have to perform, I think it might have been apprehended, that he would not prove the officer, whose interference would be the most acceptable to any branch of the native army, in the regulations of their details; and to whose opinions they might be most cheerfully brought to yield any peculiar usages, if necessary to be exacted from them. And it appears further strange, when we call to mind the hitherto pre-eminent discipline of the Madras Native Cavalry, and the acknowledged professional skill of its proper officers, that there should have existed any necessity to pass by them; and to call in an officer from another service, junior in rank to some, and in practical professional experience to many of them.Let me now ask on what grounds it can be inferred, that an officer fresh from Europe, without a knowledge of the language of the country; or if any time resident in India, his attention absorbed by the duties of his European Regiment, or staff employ; and consequently without the equal opportunity of observing, should equally understand with their own officers, whose lives are passed in the midst of them, those religious tenets by which the constant demeanor of the natives, Mahomedan and Pagan, is influenced; and be in the same manner aware of the variety of their sects, the difference of their superstitious forms and ceremonies, and the intricate amities and hosti. lities by which they are actuated towards each other or may it not be more rationally expected, that with European hauteur looking down contemptuously on prejudices and principles he does not comprehend, he should convert to grounds of dissatisfaction, what constitutes in the hands of their own officers, the best assurance of the fidelity of the Indian soldiery?—I have now candidly exposed what, as well from my own observations, as from communications with some of its oldest and most resspectable officers, I do conscientiously believe to be the genuine sources of the present state of the Madras Native Army, inspiring such just apprehension. If the voice of an individual should reach those who rule over the affairs of India, it earnestly calls on them to weigh the policy of confiding the superintendency of the native troops to their own officers, practised in their usages; with the responsibility, vesting also an authority, under the

commander-in-chief, in the respective senior officers of infantry and cavalry, each in his own branch, in all matters of its internal economy; and restricting, by so precise an arrangement as shall admit no pretence from commanding forts or detachments, or in any other way, for an interference in the subordinate degrees of either of its departments by the officers of the other, or by the officers of his Majesty's service whether in respect to the detail of discipline or the personal appearance of the men; or the delicate attentions necessary to their peculiar habits and family arrangements, religious ceremonies, feasts and fasts, holidays and processions and other private occurrences. In this manner not refusing the influence of that personal love and confidence, began in youth and strengthened by years, from the Sepoys towards their own officers, under a long participation of the same toils; nor slackening the bonds of their authority, by degrading and lowering them to a secondary class; but giving to the proper officers of the native troops a reasonable chance, if not too late, that under the control and guidance of their seniors, and by such a course as their discernment and judgment, judgment, formed on a long local experience, shall suggest, they may avert from the Company and themseves the threatfining dangers of the present awful period, and save a fine army to the services of their country.A MADRAS OFFICER.Oct. 11, 1807.

EXPATRIATION.

SIR,My attention having been principally directed to the remarks of Candidus, and to your observations upon the subject of my communication, the animadversions of your correspondent R. R. (569) had escaped my notice until this day, which I had devoted to a perusal of the favours of your other correspondents. While I with R. R. condemn " personalities and invectives," I cannot with him agree, that "vice to be despised and abhorred is necessary only to be seen;" that superabundant portion of self denial, that more than usual share of reason which R. R. may possess, may cause him to controul his passions, and detest not only the sight of vice, but forcibly condemn it in others; while, however, he happily possesses the rigid stoicism of men who never have been in the way of temptation, he should not condemn an unfortunate wretch as he represents me, who possibly may be as free from vice actually, as R. R. may pretend to be, but who have also withstood the temptation never perhaps thrown

in his way. I arrogate not to myself a stoicism superior to R. R. I advocate not the cause of vice; but, I think R. R. did not act with his wonted profundity, when he declined commenting upon the doctrine I have ⚫ advanced, howsoever indignant' his feelings and strong his "personal invectives" may be. But should R. R.'s" indignant" feelings continue, and he should be as well able as he probably may be disposed to enlarge upon the extravagant and ridiculous' doctrine I have broached. I now furnish him with a further observation, on which he may employ a portion of his invaluable time. But, I must request R. R. before he hastily and inconsiderately replies to the absurdity of my doctrine, and howsoever extravagant and ridiculous' he may at present deem it to be, to consult the authorities I have referred to, as well as duly consider my observations; although the latter may not lead him on to conviction, they may possibly induce him in future to suspend a hasty and inconsiderate decision, and teach him not to condemn as

ridiculous and extravagant' a doctrine countenanced, and ably maintained by wrlters much more able than either R. R. or S. V., and possibly, not comprehended by either of them.--The Proclamation, Mr. Cobbett, (and to this and to my observations upon it, R. R. may attend, if his inclination and ability enable him to animadvert again by way of episode) which appeared in the Gazette of 17th October, fully accords with my ideas expressed in my last letter, with respect to the right of the executive to prevent expatriation on an emergency. It is not for me, Sir, as a subject of this kingdom, to doubt the power of the executive to declare, or the legislature to legislate on this or other subjects; but, I may without a liability to the charge of inconsistency shew, that while foreign states are labouring to weaken our maritime power, by enticing our seamen to desert their country's cause, we do really adopt the self same thing we so much condemn in others.have before declared that I advocate the cause of consistency, and I will continue so to do as long as you permit me, notwithstanding I may have the sealed quart measure of reprobation' from Candidus, for publicly asserting my principles,' and, although R. R. despises and abhors' my doctrine. When we advance stubborn facts, Mr. Cobbett, we need not the aid of violent expression; and Candidus and R. R. should know, that though their strength of nerve, entrenched as they may both be with the lusty sinews of draymen, may qualify them for the gymnastic line, that when they chuse to enter into disputation, something more is necessary than the

full

powers of muscular strength and Stentorian violence; some little shew of argument should accompany mere assertion; for, though I might perhaps, from my diminu tive stature, a mere sesquipedalian as I am, succumb under their Herculean fist, yet neither their Stentorian voices nor Ciceronian expression, without argument tending to conviction can stifle me. I am not to be dragooned into conviction; if your correspondents will adopt rather more of the argumentative than the dogmatical stile, it will be more beneficial to them, as it may to me, for I shall not pay much attention to a man's doctrine, whether diametrically opposite to mine or in favour of it, unless he chuses to assign a stronger ground in support of it, than because it may suit him to say such is my doctrine, because so it is-ita lex scripta est, may do in the mouths of men of authority, but when adopted by anonymous correspondents it must be accompanied by ap gument, for from argument conviction must` result.-The first section of the proclamation

for recalling and prohibiting seamen from "serving foreign princes and states," sets. out with stating, that "seafaring men, na"tural born subjects, have been enticed to "enter into foreign states ;" and, the 5th section declares, that "they have been in"duced to accept letters of naturalization. "or certificates of citizenship from foreign "states, and have been taught to believe, "that by such letters or certificates, they are discharged from that duty of alle

giance which, as our natural born subjects "they owe to us," and then it declares, that no such letters or certificates can di"vest our natural born subjects of alle"giance."I do not find fault with this proclamation; it accords with my ideas; the right to restrain the subjects of this country being founded on a state of necessity; but, I condemn the want of consisten cy, as it appears to me there is, between this proclamation and the statute law of the country. By the 13 George 2. chap. 3. sec. 2, "for the better encouraging of foreign ma"riners and seamen, to come and serve on "board ships belonging to this Kingdom of "Great Britain, be it further enacted, by the

authority aforesaid, that every such fo"reign mariner or seaman who shall from "and after the 1st day of January, 1739, "have faithfully served during the time of

war, on board any of his Majesty's ships "of war, or any merchant or other trading "ship or ships, vessel or vessels, or priva

teers (which at the time of such service "shall belong to any of his Majesty's subjects of Great Britain) for the space of "two years, shall to all intents and purposes

"be deemed and taken to be a natural born

"

subject of his Majesty's Kingdom of Great "Britain, and have and enjoy all the privi"leges, powers, rights, and capacities, "which such foreign mariner or seaman "could, should, or ought to have had and enjoyed, in case he had been a natural "born subject of his Majesty, and actually a native within the Kingdom of Great "Britain."-Now, what I have heretofore contended for, and do now contend is, that we ought not to permit and invite foreigners to become naturalized, unless we allow other powers from whom we take their subjects, to decoy our subjects from us in a similar way to that which under the above statute we have the power of doing. Would it not be well to repeal on the first meeting of parliament, the above-mentioned section 2d?We then can properly insist upon the propriety of recalling our subjects who may have attempted to depart from their allegiance; but, so long as this section remains in force in our written code, I do hold it to be inconsistent and impolitic, that we should condemn a foreign state for doing that which we sanction with respect to his subjects. S. V.Oct. 20, 1807.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPER. Authentic Copy of the Letter addressed by Lieut. Gen. Lord Cathcart, to Major Gen. Peymann, the Commandant of Copenhagen, previous to the commencement of the siege of that City, dated Head Quarters, Aug. 20, 1807.

SIR, -Your letter of the 18th, did not come into my hands till late last night. The passport for Prince Frederick Ferdinand, with his retinue, is given on the same principle with those which have already been sent, but it must be strictly limited to the persons described. An irregularity is reported to me to have occurred on the part of the bearer of your letter. It will be of reciprocal convenience that such circumstances should not occur. Every mark of respectful attention having been paid to the illustrious persons related to the Blood Royal of Denmark, and due regard having been shewn to the household and equipage of his Danish Majesty, circumstances inperiously demand that a stop must now be put to the departure of any person whatever from the metropolis. In making this communication, I cannot refrain from availing myself of this opportu nity of representing, in my own name, as well as in that of the admiral commanding his Majesty's fleet, to the most serious consi

deration of your Excellency, the existing state of affairs at Copenhagen, which are drawing to an awful crisis. If this city, the capital of Denmark, the residence of the King, and of his royal court and government, the seat of learning, and the rendezvous of commerce, full of inhabitants of all ranks, ages, and sexes, will put itself on the footing of a fortress besieged, it must be attacked by all the means which may appear best calculated for its reduction, as soon as orders are given to that purpose; and, when such is the case, the officers employed have no choice but to use every effort to take the place. The attack of a city so rich and po pulous, cannot fail to be attended by consequences most destructive in preparation, as well as in final execution, to the persons and property of individuals. Impelled by the necessity of the case, our government has at the same time supplied positive orders and ample means to attack by sea and land, in case of refusal on the part of Denmark to treat in an amicable manner.-The preparations are perhaps in a more forward state than you imagine. For God's sake, Sir, let it be calmly considered, whether resistance may not lead to the destruction of the very treasure you wish to preserve, and whether under the circumstances of the present dispute the praise of displaying the valour for which every body is prepared to give you tion inseparable from the siege of a capital credit, will compensate the ruin and destruc

city; and the ultimate loss or destruction of your fleet and arsenal, which might be avoided. Property of every kind without the walls has been respected; you must know likewise that other objects, and of the greatest national importance to the power of Denmark are within my grasp, and have remained hitherto unremoved. This is a state of things which cannot continue. I mean not to offend you by any thing like a menace, but I exhort your Excellency and your Council to think seriously of the irreparable loss which the operation of a few days may occasion, but which might still be averted. I have the honour to be, with the greatest personal consideration, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient humble servant,

(Signed) CATHCART, Lieut. Gen.

The Ninth Volume of COBBETT'S PAR LIAMENTARY DEBATES, comprising the period from the 5th of March to the close of the First Session of the Fourth Parlia ment of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, to the 14th of August, 1807, is ready for delivery.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS. IRISH TYTHES. --The reader will, perhaps, remember, that I have frequently spoken of the tythes in Ireland as one great source of discontent; and, it would seem, from an article, which appeared in the Morning Chronicle of the gth instant, and which I am now about to insert, that the protestant gentlemen in that country have been taking some measures, preparatory to an application to parliament for an act to enforce a commutation of the tythes. "Of the several duties which the constitu

tion occasionally imposes upon different "classes of society, there is no one of greater magnitade than that which the country gentlemen have, in particular energencies of the state, to discharge, "of giving their advice to parliament. The

resident gentlemen of Ireland have wisely "considered the present aspect of public "affairs, required from them the exercise "of this duty; because the continuance "of silence on their part, would be to give "countenance to a system of measures, of "which they disapprove, and because it is

very manifest to all impartial observers, "that the safety of Ireland depends upon a speedy termination to this system. Besides, after the late Administration and "Parliament- having both of them been extinguished for their conduct in respect "to Ireland; and after the addresses of "numerous public bodies in England, exhibiting their disapprobation of the intended measures of favour towards Ireland; "what event can be more natural than de"clarations on the part of the Irish public, "on a subject so completely embracing

every thing interesting and dear to Ireland? "It is clearly one thing to decide the great question of concession or coercion in managing Ireland in England, and another thing to decide it in Ireland. For though a great cry may be raised in England against concession, still concession must be made, if the men of property of Ire "tand, who form the Protestant interest, jin with the Catholics of Ireland in requiring it. This we consider they have "done in a great degree, and we know *they wish yet to do so in a still more ex

[733

"tensive manner; for though the Protes"tant Grand Juries of the counties of Kil

kenny and Galway have alone declared "the necessity of Emancipation, several "other counties have come to unanimous "resolutions, expressive of their opinion, "that the measure of A COMMUTATION "OF TYTHES is absolutely indispensible "to secure internal tranquillity, and ought "to be conceded to the people of Ireland. -What is the fair construction to put upon this national exertion? It is this. "That the Protestant Gentlemen of Ireland, feeling that the prese a period is not ripe "for urging the complete emancipation of "their Catholic fellow subjects, but being "anxious to contradict and counteract the

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language as this. An evil is complained "of, insurrection: they proclaim the cause "of it to be the grievance, tythes, and ad"vise the remedy, commutation. They "do not convene county meetings to return "thanks to ministers for their insurrection "act and armis act, or for granting addi"tional bulwarks to the Protestant ascen"dancy; but, at these meetings, they una"nimously condemn the principle on "which the present administration has been "formed, and prove themselves capable of judging of the best mode of governing 2 B

"their own country, by recommending "measures that will attach the great bulk "of the people in fervent loyalty to the "throne and constitution. Our informa"tion has led us to suppose that a great

change had taken place in the sentiments "of the well-informed Protestants of Ire"land, with regard to their Catholic fellow-subjects. These county meetings place it beyond a doubt that they are "most liberally inclined towards them; an " event that augurs most favourably of the "future success of the leading advocates "for complete emancipation."It will be perceived, that this article has a mere party purpose in view; but, it announces to us the fact, that the protestant gentlemen of Ireland are for a commutation of the tythes. Let us now see, then, how such a measure would operate with respect to the people of Ireland, and how far it ought to be considered as a "concession" to them.

Tythes have been represented as a great grievance," and the manner of collecting them in Ireland has been, and is, very vexatious. But, what will be the effect of a commutation? Will the poor man, who cultivates five acres of ground in potatoes, yield less in tythe than he does now?

Will

be give less to the parson than he now gives? If he does not, it is evident, that he can derive no substantial benefits from the proposed change; and, if he does give less to the parson, it is, to me at least, quite certain, that he will give more to the land-owner, or the land jobber; so that, this commutetion, whatever may be the effect of it with regard to the land owner and the parson, will, in no degree whatever, lighten the burdens of the potatoe planter. The manner of collection will, indeed, in case of a commutation, be less vexatious; but, when land is let to the potatoe-planter, this vexation is not forgotten by either party; and, an allowance, though not expressly, is actually made for vexation as well as for tythe, especially in a country where the vexation is general, and, of course, notorious.- -I admire, therefore, the." patriotism," which the sage of the Morning Chronicle has discovered in the " Irish protestant gentlemen," who, as he would have us believe, and as he really believes himself, perhaps, are endeavouring thus to obtain a concession to the people of Ireland, but who, if they know what they are about, are endeavouring to take some part of the amount of the tythes out of the pockets of the parsons, in order to put that amount into their own pockets; a most just and suitable return to he clergy for that hypocritical no-popery

clamour, in which, to their everlasting shame, so many of them had the folly, or the wickedness to join.Oh, yes! I always like to hear of the "patriotism" of the protestant gentlemen" of Ireland! Perhaps so keen a set are not to be met with upon the face of the whole earth. They clamoured without ceasing for the safety of the Church; but, we now find, that they care little about the safety of its ministers, when that safety is opposed to their own interests.This proposed commutation will take exceedingly. The deception lies, like that of Pitt's sinking fund, just beneath the surface, and that is quite enough to insure success with ninety-nine hundredths of the mass of mankind, especially when apparent self-interest conies in to its aid. The parson is the man, to whom the farmer immediately yields his tythes. Take away the parson, and, of course, the sythes remain with the farmer, and he gains a tenth of the whole produce of his farm! But, at the end of the year, if he be a yearly tenant, or, at the end of his lease, when he comes to take his farm again, will not the landlord make an addition to the rent equal to the former amount of the tythes? Aye, but the vexation of having tythes taken up in kind, and having straw carried off the farm. Well, and will not the landlord be apprized of this and will he not make the farmer pay for a cessation of this vexation, and this imaginary injury? I remember making some inquiries upon this subject in France, in the year 1792, and the information I received from, I dare say, not less than a hundred farmers, was this, that, in lieu of a tenth of their produce yielded to the church, they yielded, after the abolition of the tythes, a fifth of their produce to the landlord. That this would be the natural effect is pretty evident; for, the parson collects his tythes under numerous, and, some of them, great disadvantages. If he take them in kind, all the labour of gathering them is, upon a general scale, so much labour thrown away, because the farmer could gather them, along with his own, with no additional expence. Then he is subjected to such strict rules in the gathering; they are scattered about so widely; they must necessarily be so mingled in the mow; that, take every thing into consideration, the tythe of any farm, except in very singular cases, is not worth to the parson much more than half what it is worth to the farmer. This the landlord krows; and; therefore, take away the tythe, and he will make the farmer pay him for it twice as much as he has been used to pay the parson. Thus, as sure as we are born, would it be in

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