Henry, says, "It is one thing for a gentle man to have his residence rendered un "pleasant, from the vicinity of military "works, and to receive a compensation to "enable him to procure another residence; "and another thing to let the residence Aye, is it; quite another thing; but, then, if he receives £400 a year because the residence is rendered unpleasant, he is not to receive another £400 a year, and that, too, from the same barty, for the use of such residence? But, his unpleasant is a miserable shuffle. Sir Henry swears, before the Commissioners, that the Jury gave him £400 a year to provide him with another place of residence; and, when the Barrack-Master General says that to rent the house will be a waste of the public money, Mr. Brownrigg tells hin, that it must be rented, as a remuneration to Sir Henry Mildmay for the loss of his residence. If this is not being paid twice for the same thing, there is no possibility of ascertaining the meaning of words. Can the Jurymen say, that they were informed, that Sir Henry Mildmay was freed from residence, at his own special request, and at the public expence? Can they say, that they were informed, that he was to receive £400 for the rent of his house, from the public? If they can say this, then it will remain for them to account for their enormous award; and, if they cannot say this, of what weight is any thing that they can say upon the subject I insert, in another part of this sheet, a letter from a Hampshire freeholder, which will shew, that Sir Henry's case is not at all misunderstood.- -We will now take ou leave of Sir Henry Mildmay, for the present, and stretch across to the coast of Africa. I mentioned the affair, the pretty little quiet affair, of Sierra Leone, in my last sheet I observed, that we had been paying most smartly for this project, and that we should have to pay still more for it. I will now just insert the brief report of what passed upon the subject on the 7th of this month in the Honourable House of Commons.“ Mr. H. Thornton present"ed a petition from the Sierra Leone Com pany, praying aid. Lord Temple wished "to know if the bill for transferring this t possession to the crown was to be carried "into a law: any grant to the company "would in that case be unnecessary. The "Chancellor of the Exchequer said that a "bill was now in progress. The aid to be granted was only for the maintenance of "the settlement till the transfer could take place. Mr. Dent gave notice, that he would in due season oppose what he could " "describe by no milder term, than that of "the RANKEST JOB that had ever come "before parliament." No, Sir, not the rankest. I could point out to you some jobs, transacted in former parliaments, that very far surpass this.Now, what a noble field for emulation and for the reward of perit is here opening again! Here will be a governor, a commander in chief, aides de camp, secretaries, law-officers, collectors, comptrollers, surveyors, searchers, waiters; and, the Lord have mercy upon us, where will the list end! How meny genteel fa milies" will get "handsome things" done for them now! Here is another hour some of which have experienced a fa"vourable reception, but the greater part a determined opposition. Yet never "have I been in the habit of making "any apology for the insufficiency of the proposer, however strongly I felt it, think"ing it better to rely on the solidity of "the grounds upon which my propositions 66 rested, than to attempt conciliating attention by apologies. But I must confess on this occasion, whether from the "growing diffidence of the public in public men; whether from the manner in "which I have been recently spoken of "in this Assembly; whether from the "nature of the debates which have lately "taken place amongst us, in which a "spirit of attack and recrimination has "been manifested, by no means calculated "to raise the character of this house (a loud cry of hear! hear!); whether from the "disastrous state of the times, or whether "from all these feelings combined, I never rose with so great a degree of diffidence "and solicitude. If in my endeavours to 66 bring back the gravity of debate-to get "rid of the spirit of recrimination which "has too long prevailed amongst us, and to retrieve the falling fortunes of this "mighty empire". Here the Right Hon. D. Browne, of Mayo, rose to order, and moved that strangers be excluded, which was accordingly done immediately; and, as the reporters and others were scrambling out through the passages and down the stairs, they cried out occasionally, with the king in Hamlet, "Lights, lights, "ho! away! away!" Though I do not know, and have never before even heard of, the Right Honourable Browne, I like his motion exceedingly. For the profane vulgar to know what was said upon such an occasion would have been very wrong indeed; and, it would have been still worse for Napoleon to know it; for, without doubt, there were discussed, during that long debate, most extensive and profound plans of national policy. The causes of Napoleon's successes and of our failures were, I dare say, clearly developed; and, I am full as confident, that the means of warding off the consequences were clearly placed before the Honourable House. But, any pleasure, great as it, doubtless, would have been, that I should have derived from a perusal of such developement, I freely forego it for the good of my country. "In the multitude of councillors there is "wisdom." What a happy people, then, are we, who have nearly a thousand of them, who think nothing of sitting up all night with no other earthly view than that of watching over us! Napoleon is bit at last. He thought to know our secrets, did he! Egad! the Honourable House will soon convince him, that they know how to keep a secret.- -The closing of the doors came, indeed, some week, or so, too late, in the opinion of John Bowles and his like. They wanted them closed sooner; but, for choosing the time, the happy moment, for a measure of this sort, let the Honourable House alone. They always know what they are about. And, besides, they are our representatives, are they not? And what is done by them, is done by us; therefore, what an inconsistent thing it is to grumble! as -The Morning Chronicle imputes the closing of the doors to the ministers, because, forsooth, the Right Honourable' Dennis Browne always votes on the side of the ministers; but, this is very slack reasoning; for, I dare engage, that the Right Honourable Dennis Browne, of Mayo, knew very well what to do, without consulting any minister whatever.As to his voting upon the side of ministers, it was, of course, because he thought it best so to do; and, from what other motive ought a man to vote?—I am quite indignant at these slanderous iusinuations, and particularly as coming from one who was, only the other day, a stout champion for " regu"lar government, social order, and our' "holy religion," chiming in, second bell, to John Bowles. CONTINENTAL WAR.--Upon this subject I have so much to say, that I can say hardly any thing at present. The war has ended precisely as I foretold at its outset. I stated what I thought would be the result, and I gave my reasons at large for my opinion. How much and shamefully I was abused for that opinion, the reader will not have forgotten; and, all that I now ask of him, is, to read over, once more, my articles, upon this war, at its beginning, which articles he will find in volume X of the Register.The shaking fit seems to have returned to many persons. They really seem to have thought, that the Eoulogne fleet would never be heard of again! And now they are filled with dread. For my part, I feel less apprehension than formerly. Not that I should like a set of upstart, unprincipled villains, who would swear truth out of the world, to hold the rod over me, to pillage me in virtue of one of their accursed decrees, to send their civil hirelings to rob me, while their foreign armed ruffians stood by to keep me in awe; no, God forbid that I should like this, that I should ever bring my mind patiently to contemplate submission so degrading; but, I have, from long thinking upon the subject, brought myself to a conviction, that the French never will succeed in bringing us into this state. The why and the wherefore I might have some difficulty in detailing; but, the conviction I entertain, and under it I am easy; and, what is more, I am fully persuaded, that, however some persons may tremble, this conviction is felt by ninety-nine out of every hundred men in the nation. I do not reason much upon the matter. I have done asking how the French can get here or to Ireland, and how we are able to repel them. I know the enemy to be powerful by land, and that he may soon become powerful by sea;, I see the force of all Europe collected against us, and I have considered in detail the probable acts of such a conqueror; but, the Irish insurrection bill; upon the arrival of the Duchess of Brunswick; and upon the Delicate Investigation. SIR HEN..Y MILDMAY. when I consider who we have fr Comman- | coming into the honourable house; upon ders, and particularly for Commander in Chief; when I consider the strength of our arinies; when I consider the extent of our immense resources, and the manner of distributing those resources; when I consider, in short, the whole of the force and state of the nation, the whole of the scene that lies before me, I stop not to reason but involuntarily exclaim, Buonaparte, thy utmost ingenuity, power and malice de fiance! fear one thing. indeed, and that is that our gallant friends, the Hanoverians, will not be able to get at the French. This was a dirty trick in the Danes, who are said to have shut (out of pure envy I dare say) the Sound against our expedition! I was always afraid of something of this sort. I said, that the Hanoverians would arrive too soon or too late; and now, curse light upon the Danes, they are stopping them! The Courier recommends war against the Danes, and so do I. I would sell the shirt off my back to support a war against the Danes. What right had they to stop our expedition? Now it will come back again, Lord Cathcart and all, without having got even a glimpse of the French.-The Morning Post, at the conclusion of a long paragraph about Napole n's recent victories, says, as to his views against this country, they will assuredly prove abortive; for here "he will find a people united to a man, and "ready to shed their blood to the last drop "in defence of a sovereign whom they "adore." I was very glad to hear him say this so soon after he had represented no small part of us as "Jacobins and Levellers." Whatever else he may think of us, he does not, at any rate, attribute to us a revengeful disposition. He is manifestly persuaded, that we shall, in the hour of danger, totally forget all the calumnies and all the insults that have been heaped upon us; and now, I hope, he will cease from his endeavours to produce divisions amongst us. I think he will, and I should suppose that John Bowles (who must be in a terrible fright) will be cautious how he employs his venomous pen. But, while I hope, that we shall be unanimous in our endeavours to defend our country from without, I must put in my protest against the doctrine, that this is no time for reformation at home, being convinced that such reformation is absolutely necessary. -To this subject I shall return in my next. Want of room compels me to defer what I have to offer to my readers upon Lord Cochrane's excellent motions, as also upon the curious affair of Mr. Mills' manner of SIR,1 am not surprised at any thing the Editor of the Morning Chronicle will do, in the way of political animosity, against those who are of the opposite party. But, I must confess, I am somewhat at a loss to account for the countenance and support you have given the people of that paper, in their invidious conduct towards Sir Henry Mildmay, respecting his job with the Barrack Department. It appears to me that very few of the transactions of that department are free from blame, and most of them highly reprehensible. But it is a conduct the most disgraceful in the editor of a public print, to select one solitary circumstance, and to follow it up with that audacious pertinacity: this with respect to Sir Henry Mildmay has been, and to leave others entirely unnoticed, and which, in point of enormity, compared with this, are as a mountain to a molehill. There can be no doubt, but this war carried on by the Morning Chronicle, against Sir Henry Mildinay, proceeds entirely from personal motives, and has not the least particle of public utility in view; and what is more to be lamented, such conduct towards an individual tends rather to strengthen and confirm abuses than to bring about a just and wholesome reformation. And you, Sir, in support of such malevolence, have gone farther than any of the facts belonging to the circumstance will justify what you have asserted. You have stated, that Sir Henry has knowingly and willingly received payment for the same thing twice. I do not mean to justify the transaction, nor have I any doubt, but this, like many others, has been a most improvident one on the part of the public. But what you have asserted with respect to Sir Henry's being paid twice for the same thing, is not the fact: and let it be remembered, that this assertion of yours, and two or three questions put by the Morning Chronicle, in such a way as to have a very material effect upon the public, in making up its decision upon the merits and demerits of the whole transaction. I cannot believe, if you have paid attention to the documents you have read on the subject, but that you must have discovered a clear and evident distinction, between the 400 received by Sir Henry, as a compensation for · the loss of his residence, and the £400 received by him for the rent of his house. It is one thing for a gentleman to have his re sidence rendered so unpleasant from the vicinity of military works, and to receive a compensation to enable him to procure another residence; and another thing, to let the residence he is obliged under such circumstances to leave. The fair question is, whether the £800 per ann. Sir Henry receives, is more than an ample compensation for giving up his residence, and letting that residence with the furniture, to be occupied by any of the military staff, and used in the same way he would have used it himself. The £400 per ann. does appear to be a very ample compensation indeed, for merely the being obliged to give up a place of residence. But, I believe, it is often a very difficult matter, even for those who are on the spot, and in possession of all the circumstances that may be necessary to enable them to form an opinion, as to what is an adequate compensation in such cases. How comes it then that you and the editor of the Morning Chronicle are so competent? If it is a job so base as you and the Morning Chronicle have endeavoured to make the public believe it is, I hope all the parties concerned will receive from the public what such conduct deserves. But, I do think when the whole of this matter is sifted to the bottom, that the most disgraceful part of it will attach to the Editor of the Morning Chronicle, for the invidious part he has acted in this affair, and next to him, you will come in for your share, as being his bottle holder.-I am, &c.-X. T.-London, July 5, 1807. SIR H. MILDMAY. SIR,Englishmen in general, and the electors of Hampshire in particular, are under obligation to you for the diligence, discernment, and ability, with which you have unravelled the complicated transactions of the Moulsham Hall contract. It enables us to judge of the stern integrity of that gentleman, who in conjunction with Mr. Chute, and under the auspices of Mr. Rose, has so successfully vindicated the independence of the country. That a bargain has been made injurious to the public and advantageous to Sir H. Mildmay, was from the commencement too palpable to escape observation; but, in the progress of the discussion, I observed with concern, that the loud and confident assertions of Sir H. and his friends both in and out of parliament, began to stagger weaker minds; and that by dexteronsly confounding or omitting dates, and involving circumstances and details, charges would be shuffled off and eluded, which it was impossible openly and directly to repel. But after the strong and luminous exposition of facts and dates contained in your last number, I defy any man possessed of common judgment, to resist the inevitable conclusión that Sir Henry Mildmay has knowingly and willingly been twice paid for the same thing out of the public purse, of which he was the delegated guardian.—It is in vain that Sir H. asks," was there any thing in the verdict of the jury that prohibited him from letting his house to the Speaker of the House of Commons, or any other individual, or to government? To this I answer that there certainly was no prohibition, no legal prohi bition? The question is not whether Sir H. kept within the limits of the law, hut whether he acted in conformity to those high ideas of honour, and pure principles of integrity, which should animate every gentleman, and more particularly the boasted champion of independence, who feels "a stain like a wound," and is indignant at the bare mention of the name of MILDMAY, in the same sentence with so foul a term as Pɛ. CULATION. It also appears to me, that there would have been an essential difference between ketting Moulsham Hall to the "Speaker of the House of Commons, or any other individual," and letting it to government." Sir H. had declared that his house was rendered uninhabitable by the military works erected in its vicinity, and government in consequence released him from his obligation of residence at the public expence, which those who know Sir H. Mildmay, know also to have been an object he had long been desirous to accomplish, and which he would probably, have considered as a sufficient compensation for the deterioration of his mansion. But this was not all; government assembled a jury to award a compensation for the land occupied by their field-works, and the inconvenience he sustained in being obliged to seek another residence, and a most ample sum was consequently assigned; if after this, "the Speaker of the House of Commons, or any other individual," had chosen to give £400 a year for Moulsham Hall, which Sir H. considered as uninhabitable, it would have been altogether a private transaction, in which, as no one but the parties would have been interested, no one else would have had a right to interfere. But, Sir H. Mildmay must well know, that no individual would give him an ample rent for a residence so circumstanced as his then was; and as he indignantly asks, "what gentleman having such an house, so furnished would consider £400 as an equivalent?" I, in return ask him, what gentleman having 400 at his command, would give it for an house closely sur rounded by military works and troops, where all his tangible property without doors must be insecure, and where footpad robberies were committed nine nights out of ten in the adjacent fields? Nay, what gentleman would consent to inhabit it rent free? The honourable baronet must therefore, be fully aware that he could not have let it at any price." But," says he, "I might have pulled it down and sold the materials."With what face can Sir H. Mildmay come forward to make this declaration, when he knows that his obligation of residence in this very house which he talks of pulling down, was only suspended for four years; and when he tells us almost in the same breath that he shall be obliged to return to it with all its inconveniencies on the next 24th of June? The only pigeon, then, was the public, whose feathers, it must be confessed, rose with prompt and most inviting titillation round his fingers: but, it must also be recollected (and surely, Sir H. might have remembered it) that some generosity, some liberality, some forbearance was due to that public which had acted with so much liberality towards him. Would it have been too much to expect from Sir H. Mildmay, that he should either have made the jury acquainted with the compensation which government were about to give him for his house, by taking a lease of it on as high terms as if the inconvenience arising from the military works was not in existence; or, that he should have informed government before the execution of this lease, that the jury had taken this inconvenience into consideration, and compensated him for it, as Sir H. upon oath declared be conceived them to have done? Or would it have been toe wanton and profuse an exercise of liberality in a gentleman of the baronet's property, if after having been bought out of his house, and fully remunerated for the inconvenience of being forced to quit a residence in which he never willingly placed his foot, he had made a free and gratuitous offer of it to government, on the sole condition of paying the taxes and keeping it in repair, which would have amounted to a rent of £200 per ann at least? Had not the public which had virtually paid for the house, a right to expect at least thus much? When I say a right, I do not mean a legal right. Were I talking of a pettifogging attorney, an usu rious money-lender, an Old Bailey swindler, or a public peculator, I would allow him to entrench himself within the formalities of law. But when I am speaking of a gentleman of extensive property, of high reputation, the representative of a wealthy and po FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS. CONTINENTAL WAR.- -Sixty-third Bulletin of the Grand French Army. (Concluded from page 64.) Colo General Bosanti had with him only a few companies of the 1st Italian regi ment of the line, which took to their arms in time, marched with resolution against the enemy, and routed him.-General Teuli, on his side, with the main body of the Italian division, the regiment of musketeers of the guards, and the first company of Gens d'Armes on duty, repaired to invest Colberg. On arriving at Nangarten, he found the enemy intreuched, occupying a fort beset with pieces of cannon. nel Boyer, of the musketeers of the guards gave an assault. Captain Montmorency of the company of Gens d'Armes, made a successful charge. The fort was taken, 300 men made prisoners, and six pieces of cannon carried off. The enemy left one hundred men upon the field of battle-General Dombrowski marched against the garrison of Dantzick he fell in with it at Dirschau, overthrew it, made 600 prisoners, took seven pieces of cannon, and pursued it for several leagues. He was wounded with a musket ball. Marshal Lefebvre arrived in the mean time at the head of the 10th corps. He had been joined by the Saxons, and marched to invest Dantzick.-The weather is still changeable. It froze yesterday; it thaws to day. The whole winter has passed over in this manner. The thermometer has never been lower than five degrees. 64th Bulletin of the Grand French Army. Osterode, March 2.-The town of Elbing furnishes great resources to the army a great quantity of wine and brandy was found there. This country of the Lower Vistula is very fertile -The ambassadorsfrom Constantinople and Persia have entered Poland, and are on their way to Warsaw.After the battle of Eylau, the Emperor passed every day several hours upon the field of battle-a horrible spectacle, but which duty rendered necessary. It required great labour to bury all the dead. A great number of |