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ourselves at liberty to withhold it. mind the French Minister that he has more reason to be pleased than displeased with our silence. Since we have assumed a place in the political system of the world, let us move like a primary and not like a secondary planet.

We are persuaded, Sir, that your remarks on these subjects resulted from real opinion and were made with candor and sincerity. The best men will view objects of this kind in different lights even when standing on the same ground; and it is not to be wondered at, that we, who are on the spot and have the whole transaction under our eyes, should see many parts of it in a stronger point of light, than persons at a distance, who can only view it through the dull medium of representation.

It would give us great pain if anything we have written or now write respecting this Court should be construed to impeach the friendship of the King and nation for us. We also believe that the Minister is so far our friend, and is disposed so far to do us good offices, as may correspond with, and be dictated by his system of policy for promoting the power, riches, and glory of France. God forbid that we should ever sacrifice our faith, our gratitude, or our honor, to any considerations of convenience; and may He also forbid that we should ever be unmindful of the dignity and independent spirit, which should always characterize a free and generous people.

We shall immediately propose an Article to be inserted in the definitive treaty for postponing the payment of British debts for the time mentioned by Congress.

There are, no doubt, certain ambiguities in our Articles, but it is not to be wondered at, when it is considered how exceedingly averse Britain was to any expressions, which explicitly wounded the tories; and how disinclined we were to use any, that should amount to absolute stipulations in their favor.

The words for returning the property of real British subjects were well understood and explained between us, not to mean or comprehend American refugees. Mr Oswald and Mr Fitzherbert know this to have been the case, and will readily confess and admit it. This mode of expression was preferred by them, as a more delicate mode of excluding those refugees, and of making a proper distinction between them and the subjects of Britain, whose only particular interest in America consisted in holding lands or property there.

The 6th Article, viz. where it declares, that no future confiscations shall be made, &c. ought to have fixed the time with greater accuracy. We think the most fair and true construction is, that it relates to the date of the cessation of hostilities. That is the time when peace in fact took place, in consequence of prior informal, though binding, contracts to terminate the war. We consider the definitive treaties, as only giving the dress of form to those contracts, and not as constituting the obligation of them. Had the cessation of hostilities been the effect of truce, and consequently nothing more than a temporary suspension of war, another construction would have been the true one.

We are officially assured by Mr Hartley, that positive orders for the evacuation of New York have been despatched, and that no avoidable delay will retard that event. Had we proposed to fix a time for it, the British Commis

sioner would have contended, that it should be a time posterior to the date of the definitive treaty, and that would have been probably more disadvantageous to us, than as that Article now stands.

We are surprised to hear, that any doubts have arisen in America, respecting the time when the cessation of hostilities took place there. It most certainly took place at the expiration of one month after the date of that declaration, in all parts of the world, whether by land or sea, that lay north of the latitude of the Canaries.

The ships afterwards taken from us, in the more northerly latitudes, ought to be reclaimed and given up. We shall apply to Mr Hartley on this subject, and also on that of the transportation of negroes from New York, contrary to the words and intention of the provisional articles. We have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS,

B. FRANKLIN,
JOHN JAY.

Sir,

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Paris, July 27th, 1783.

The definitive treaties between the late belligerent powers are none of them yet completed. Ours has gone on slowly, owing partly to the necessity Mr Hartley, successor of Mr Oswald, thinks himself under of sending every proposition, either his own or ours, to his Court for their approbation, and their delay in answering, through negligence perhaps, since they have heard our ports are open, or through indecision, occasioned by ignorance of the subject, or through want of union among the Ministers.

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send you herewith copies of several papers, that have passed between us. He has for some time assured us, that he is in hourly expectation of answers, but they do not arrive. The British Proclamation, respecting the commerce, appears to vex him a good deal. We enclose a copy. And we are of opinion, that finally we shall find it best to drop all commercial articles in our definitive treaty, and leave everything of that kind to a future special treaty, to be made either in America or in Europe, as Congress shall think fit to order. Perhaps it may be best to give powers for that purpose to the Minister, that probably will be sent to London. The opinion here is, that it will be becoming in us to take the first step towards the mutual exchange of Ministers, and we have been assured by the English Minister, who treats with us here, that ours will be well received.

The Dutch preliminaries are not yet agreed on, and it seems to be settled, that we are to sign all together, in the presence of the Ministers of the two Imperial Courts, who are to be complimented with the opportunity of signing as mediators, though they have not yet, and perhaps will not be consulted in the negotiations. Mr Adams has gone to Holland for three weeks, but will return sooner if wanted. The propositions you mention, as made to us from that State, we suppose he has given you an account of. Nothing was, or is likely to be, done upon them here, and therefore it was less necessary to say anything concerning them. A Minister from thence has been gone some time to Congress, and if he has those propositions in charge, they will best be considered there.

With great esteem, we have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN,

JOHN JAY.

PROJECT FOR A DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE.

Project for the Definitive Treaty of Peace and Friendship, between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, concluded at

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Be it known to all those, to whom it shall or may in any manner belong.

It has pleased the Most High to diffuse the spirit of union and concord among the nations, whose divisions had spread troubles in the four parts of the world, and to inspire them with the inclination to cause the comforts of peace, to succeed to the misfortunes of a long and bloody war, which having arisen between Great Britain and the United States of America, in its progress communicated itself to France, Spain, and the United Netherlands.

Consequently the United States of America, did, on the fifteenth of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone, name and appoint their Ministers Plenipotentiary, and resolve, ordain, and grant their Commission in the following words, viz. page 71.]

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And his Majesty, the King of Great Britain, did on the twenty first day of September, in the twentysecond year of his reign, issue his Commission, under the great seal of Great Britain, to Richard Oswald, in the words following, viz. [See page 80.]

And his said Britannic Majesty, on the one part, and the said United States of America on the other, did lay the foundations of peace in the preliminaries, signed at Paris, on the thirtieth of November last, by the said Rich

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