must add one obligation more to those she has already imposed. She must enable us to pay off our army; or we may find the reward of her exertions and ours suspended longer than we could wish.

Charleston is at length evacuated; the enemy made a convention with General Greene and were suffered to depart in peace. In one of the papers I send you, you will see the general orders at going off.

The embarkation of your army, before the war in this country had closed, gave me some pain. Their stay might have answered useful political purposes, had they been at hand to operate against New York, which they will not otherwise quit.

Congress saw this in its true light, but were too delicate to mention it; I enclose their resolutions on being apprized of it. You speak of operations in America. I agree with you, that they are devoutly to be wished, both by France and by us; but if they are to depend upon operations in the West Indies, it is ten to one but they fail. The machine is too complex. If it is to be worked in any part by Spanish springs, the chance against it is still greater, for whatever the latter may be in Europe, in the West Indies they lose their elasticity.

The great cause between Connecticut and Pennsylvania has been decided in favor of the latter. It is a singular event. There are few instances of independent States submitting their cause to a Court of Justice. The day will come, when all disputes in the great republic of Europe will be tried in the same way; and America be quoted to exemplify the wisdom of the

measure.

Adieu my Dear Sir, continue to love this country, for though she owes you much, she will repay you all with interest, when in ages to come she records you with her patriots and heroes.

I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, with the sincerest esteem and regard, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, AT MADRID.

Dear Sir,

Cadiz, January 20th, 1783.

Your letter of the 14th has this day come to hand. The occasion of it I lament, but it becomes my duty to answer it.

From an early period, I had the happiness to rank among the foremost in the American revolution. In the affection and confidence of the people, I am proud to say, I have a great share. Congress honors me so far as to direct, that I am to be consulted by their European Ministers, which circumstances I do not mention out of vanity, but only to show, that in giving my opinion, I am called upon by dictates of honor and duty, which it becomes me to obey.

The measure being right, it is beneath me to wait for a private opportunity. Public concerns have a great weight with me, but nothing upon earth can intimidate me into selfish considerations. To my opinion you are entitled, and I offer it with the freedom of a heart that ever shall be independent.

To France you owe a great deal; to others you owe nothing. As a Frenchman, whose heart is glowing with

patriotism, I enjoy the part France has acted, and the connexion she has made. As an American, I acknowledge the obligation, and in that I think true dignity consists; but dignity forbade our sending abroad political forlorn hopes, and I ever objected to the condescension; the more so, as a French treaty had secured their allies to you; and because America is more likely to receive advances, than to need throwing herself at other people's

feet.

The particulars of the negotiation with Spain I do not dwell upon. In my opinion they were wrong, but I may be mistaken. Certain it is, that an exchange of Ministers ought to have been, and now an exchange of powers must be, upon equal footing. What England has done is nothing, either as to the right or the mode. The right consisted in the people's will, the mode depends upon a consciousness of American dignity. But if Spain has hitherto declined to acknowledge what the elder branch of the Bourbons thought honorable to declare, yet will it be too strange, that England ranks before her in the date and the benefits. of the acknowledgment.

There are more powers than you know of, who are making advances to America; some of them I have personally received; but you easily guess that no treaty would be so pleasing as the one with Spain. The three natural enemies of Britain should be strongly united. The French alliance is everlasting, but such a treaty between the friends of France is a new tie of confidence and affection. The Spaniards are slow in their motions, but strong in their attachments. From a regard to them, but still more out of regard to France, we must have more patience with them than with any other nation in Europe.

But peace is likely to be made, and how then can the man, who advised against your going at all, propose your remaining at a Court where you are not decently treated? Congress, I hope, and through them the whole nation, do not intend their dignity to be trifled with, and, for my part, I have no inclination to betray the confidence of the American people. I expect peace, and I expect Spain to act by you with propriety; but should they hesitate to treat you as a public servant of the United States, then, however disagreeable the task, Mr Carmichael had better go to Paris where France may stand a mediator, and through that generous common friend, we may come to the wished for connexion with the Court of Spain.

With a high regard and sincere affection, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Cadiz, February 5th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

On the 7th of December, I had the honor to write to you from Brest, and my letters down to that date have contained accounts of our political affairs. Since which time, I have been taken up in preparations of a plan that would have turned out to the advantage of America; indeed, it exceeded my first expectations, and to my great surprise, the King of Spain had not only consented his forces should co-operate with us, but on the consideration of obtaining a necessary diversion, he had been induced by Count d'Estaing to approve my being detached into Canada with a French force. Nay, had the war continued, I think that, if not for love, at least

on political motives, they would have consented to offer pecuniary assistance.

The conditions of the peace I do not dwell upon. I hope they are such as will be agrecable in America. They have no doubt been sent from France, and the part that respects the United States will have been immediately forwarded for their ratification. I do not hope to send you the first tidings of a general peace. Yet I have prevailed upon a small vessel to alter her course, and my own servant is going with the despatches, to prevent either neglect or other accidental delays.

On the moment of my arrival at Cadiz, I began a close correspondence with Mr Carmichael. It at first respected money matters, but soon took a still more important turn. Having been officially asked my advice upon his future conduct, I gave it in a letter, of which the enclosed is a copy. Whatever light my opinion may appear in at Madrid, or elsewhere, I think it is consistent with the dignity of the United States. Now, Sir, while enjoying the hope of being in a few weeks on the American shore, I have a letter from Mr Carmichael, wherein he requests my assistance at Madrid. How far it may serve him I do not know; but since I am thought useful, I shall yield to my zeal for the service of America, I readily give up personal gratifications. On my arrival at Madrid, I shall have the honor to give you my opinion of our situation there. Among the Spaniards we have but few well wishers, and as they, at the bottom, hate cordially the French, our alliance, though a political, is not a sentimental consideration with them. But I wish a settlement of boundaries may remove the more immediate