on our northern and western frontiers, and marked their progress with blood and desolation.

The acquisition of Charleston, with the advantages gained in Georgia, and the defeat of a small army composed chiefly of militia, which had been hastily collected to check their operations, encouraged the British commander in that quarter to penetrate through South Carolina into the interior parts of North Carolina. And the ordinary calamities of war were embittered by implacable vengeance. They did not, however, long enjoy their triumph. Instead of being depressed, impending danger served only to rouse our citizens to correspondent exertions; and by a series of gallant and successful enterprises they compelled the enemy to retreat with precipitation and disgrace.

They seem, however, resolved by all possible efforts, not only to retain their posts in Georgia and South Carolina, but to renew their attempts on North Carolina. To divert the reinforcements destined for those States, they are now executing an enterprise against the seacoast of Virginia; and from their preparations at New York and intelligence from Europe, it is manifest that the four southern States will now become a principal object of their hostilities.

It is the voice of the people and the resolution of Congress to prosecute the war with redoubled vigor, and to draw into the field a permanent and well appointed army of thirtyfive thousand regular troops. By this decisive effort we trust that we shall be able, under the divine blessing, so effectually to co-operate with your Majesty's marine and land forces, as to expel the common enemy from our country, and render

the great object of the alliance perpetual. But to accomplish an enterprise of such magnitude, and so interesting to both nations, whatever may be our spirit and our exertions, we know that our internal resources must prove incompetent. The sincerity of this declaration will be manifest from a short review of our circumstances.

Unpractised in military arts, and unprepared with the means of defence, we were suddenly invaded by a formidable and vindictive nation. We supported the unequal conflict for years with very little foreign aid, but what was derived from your Majesty's generous friendship. Exertions uncommon, even among the most wealthy and best established governments, necessarily exhausted our finances, plunged us into debt, and anticipated our taxes; while the depredations of an active enemy by sea and land made deep impressions on our commerce and our productions. Thus encompassed with difficulties, in our representation to your Majesty of June 15, 1779, we disclosed our wants, and requested your Majesty to furnish us with clothing, arms, and ammunition for the last campaign, on the credit. of the United States. 'We entertain a lively sense of your Majesty's friendly disposition, in enabling our Minister to procure a part of those supplies, of which, through unfortunate events, a very small proportion has arrived. The sufferings of our army from this disappointment have been so severe, that we must rely on your Majesty's attention to our welfare for effectual assistance. The articles of the estimate transmitted to our Minister are essential to our army, and we flatter ourselves, that through your Majesty's interposition they will be supplied.

At a time when we feel ourselves strongly impressed by

the weight of past obligations, it is with the utmost reluctance that we yield to the emergency of our affairs in requesting additional favors. An unreserved confidence in your Majesty, and a well grounded assurance, that we ask no more than is necessary to enable us effectually to cooperate with your Majesty, in terminating the war with glory and success, must be our justification.

It is well known, that when the King of Great Britain found himself unable to subdue the populous States of North America by force, or, to seduce them by art to relinquish the alliance with your Majesty, he resolved to protract the war, in expectation that the loss of our commerce, and the derangement of our finances, must eventually compel us to submit to his domination. Apprized of the necessity of foreign aids of money to support us in a contest with a nation so rich and powerful, we have long since authorised our Minister to borrow a sufficient sum in your Majesty's dominions, and in Spain, and in Holland, on the credit of these United States.

We now view the prospect of a disappointment with the deeper concern, as the late misfortunes in the southern States, and the ravages of the northern and western frontiers, have, in a very considerable degree, impaired our internal resources. From a full investigation of our circumstances it is manifest, that in aid of our utmost exertions a foreign loan of specie, at least to the amount of twenty five millions of livres, will be indispensably necessary for a vigorous prosecution of the war. On an occasion, in which the independence of these United States and your Majesty's glory are so intimately connected, we are constrained to request your Majesty effectually to support the applications of our Ministers for that loan.`` So essential is it to the

common cause, that we shall without it be pressed with wants and distresses, which may render all our efforts languid, precarious, and indecisive. Whether it shall please your Majesty to stipulate for this necessary aid as our security, or to advance it from your royal coffers, we do hereby solemnly pledge the faith of these United States to indemnify, or reimburse your Majesty, according to the nature of the case, both for principal and interest, in such manner as shall be agreed upon with our Minister at your Majesty's Court.

We beseech the Supreme Disposer of events to keep your Majesty in his holy protection, and long to continue to France the blessings arising from the administration of a Prince, who nobly asserts the rights of mankind.

Done at Philadelphia, the 22d day of November, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty, by the Congress of the United States of North America, and in the fifth year of our independence.

Your Faithful Friends and Allies.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

Attest, CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.

Sir,

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, December 5th, 1780.

I flattered myself, that the clothing destined for the army under the command of your Excellency had at length arrived in the river, in the vessel of Paul Jones, or in one of those coming under his convoy ; but I regret that you

have not yet had that satisfaction. A passenger, who arrived in one of this convoy, told me, that when this little squadron, which left France on the 8th of October, should arrive, they would bring but little clothing, being in great part laden with arms and ammunition; but he added, that the Serapis is destined to bring the remainder of the clothing, and that we may hope to see the vessel arrive soon in our ports. I am anxious to have an opportunity of giving your Excellency notice of the arrival of these articles.

I have received certain intelligence, that an expedition composed of four thousand troops, convoyed by eight vessels of war, departed on the 16th of October from the Havana to attempt an expedition against Pensacola. But it is thought that the terrible tempests, which they may have received on the passage, may have retarded the fleet.

Another expedition was to depart in the month of December to attack St Augustine. It was to be composed of ten thousand men, regulars and militia, and twelve vessels of war. I wish sincerely that the operation may meet with success, and thus make an advantageous diversion in favor of the United States in that quarter.

The Chevalier de Chastellux, and the officers who had the honor of visiting you at head quarters, desire me to present their respects to you. They hope to have the honor of seeing you again on their return.

I am, &c.

LUZERNE.