among the agricultural interests would have been prevented, and most probably no tumults whatever would have occurred. The hon. baronet observed, that as to personal interest he could have none whatever upon this subject with any view to rent, all his property being let out upon long leases. He contended, that the Lord Mayor was wrong in asserting, that bread would rise to 16d. if the present measure was adopted. The very week after he had made that assertion, he had been obliged to declare, according to the regular returns, that bread should be reduced one penny in the peck loaf, although the measure was then under discussion in the House. This showed, that the assertion was unfounded. Mr. Gore Langton conceived no principle more sound than this, that the Legislature should not unnecessarily interpose upon any occasion, and therefore thinking the present measure quite unnecessary, he felt it his duty to oppose it. But, independently of this consideration, the public opinion was so decidedly expressed against it, that he should consider himself guilty of a serious dereliction of duty, and unworthy of being the representative of the county of Somerset, if he did not enter his protest against this most iniquitous and abominable measure. Mr. C. Grant thought, that the measure was far from unnecessary. Those who denied that it would lower the price of bread, only paid attention to its immediate and instantaneous, and not its future effect. A precarious market was always a dear one, whilst a secure market would always be a cheap one. The effect of the measure would be to maintain a medium price, and in a short time would probably keep that price even below the medium. The reason that so many petitions had been presented against the Bill, was that manufacturers lived collected in towns, whilst agriculturists were scattered over the country, and had not so many opportunities of assembling. If the Bill should not pass, agriculture would decline, and not only those lands little apt to produce corn would be thrown out of cultivation, but a proper degree of expense and skill could not be bestowed on those of a more favourable kind. Mr. Marryatt did not intend to have once more introduced himself on the House, had it not been for the appeal of of the noble lord who associated the opposers of the Bill with the recent dis graceful proceedings. [A general cry of No, no!] He was glad to hear this denied. If any of the opponents of the measure had any part in the outrages which had taken place, they had adopted the most effectual mode of injuring the cause: or he rather thought, had made it a pretence to obtain other objects. He remembered a time, when the cry of No Popery' was raised, as at present that of No Corn Bill!' and he recollected a street, in which the mob exclaimed, Throw us out so many guineas, and we will not smash your windows.' He thought the same motives actuated the present rabble. He did not oppose the principle of the measure, but the price, which he thought was fixed so high, as to press heavy on the community. Mr. Gooch said, that although he opposed the proposition upon this subject in 1813, because he thought it unnecessary from the very high price of wheat, he should support the present measure because the price of wheat was so very low, and the consequent distress of the farmers so very severe. Mr. Round was anxious to treat the representations of the people, as conveyed through constitutional channels to that House, with all possible tenderness and respect, yet could not prevail upon himself to surrender to temporary feeling, the fixed and deliberate conviction of his own judgment upon a question of great national import. He shortly advocated the principle of the Bill, as calculated to give effectual protection to the interests of British agriculture; with confidence afforded to the grower of grain, a most important object of sound policy would be obtained. The rendering this country independent of foreigners in so material an article of its subsistence as bread corn, a plentiful supply would be insured from our own resources, and cheapness must follow a plentiful supply. Such being his conscientious view of the subject, and conceiving the measure (stript of the misrepresentation and misconception which had gone forth respecting it) as tending to promote the real and permanent inte rests of every class of the people; he trusted the Legislature would continue the calm exercise of its deliberative functions, and persevere in the cause it deemed to be right, for the benefit of the community at large. Sir Gilbert Heathcote said, that in this last stage of this obnoxious Bill he felt himself indispensably called upon to oppose it. He had heard no new arguments in support of it, and therefore remained firmly of opinion, that if the House passed the Bill it would put the whole kingdom into a state of dreadful ferment. [A cry of No, no! from the ministerial benches.] Gentlemen might cry No, no!' but he referred them to the innumerable petitions from every part of the kingdom, signed every where by the most respectable classes of society, as well as by the manufacturing, labouring, and lower orders; and he would ask them how they could fly in the face of so many thousands on thousands who felt themselves deeply interested, without supposing they must create a very great sensation in the whole Country. The high price of 80s. had been fixed as a fair remunerating price, but he had heard no other authority for it but the opinions of surveyors, who had been proved to be interested. [Here ensued much coughing and other signs of impatience.] He would endeavour to discharge his duty as a representative of his constituents as well as he could, and, notwithstanding the disinclination there seemed to be in the House to give him a fair hearing, he was resolved to give his opinion. As an independent member of that House he had a right to do so; no such interruptions as those which had been offered should prevent him from doing what he conceived to be his duty; and if he should be obliged to retire from the House, he would take care the people of England should have his sentiments on the subject. There was no question that was more universally understood throughout all the various classes of the community than this was; it was obvious to the most common understand ing. In confirmation of this, he mentioned a petition which he had within the last ten days received from several of his own tenants who rented land from him at rents which had been lately raised; and the sole prayer of their petition was that they might be permitted to pay their old rents. If this were acceded to, they would think they were sufficiently remunerated for every improvement they could make in their several farms. This clearly shewed that they did not see this measure in the same point of view that many members of that House did. He warned the House that it was putting a most powerful engine into the hands of the reformists, who would draw from it this incontrovertible conclusion, that a House of Commons which was properly constituted, and a fair and actual representation of the people, would not dare to treat their consti tuents with such contempt. He was himself an avowed reformist, and as such, might not perhaps be the most agreeable companion in that House; but he wished to do his duty, even in giving good advice to those who were not over-desirous to hear it. He condemned the precipitation with which the Bill had been hurried through the House. Gentlemen had said a great deal about popular clamour out of doors, but he had no hesitation in stating that he witnessed as much clamour within that House; and if it were intended thus to cry down and discourage every member who thought proper to oppose the will of the minister and the majority, that House was soon likely to become a mere chamber for registering the edicts of the Crown. The hon. baronet concluded with expressing his resolution, should the Bill pass that House, notwithstanding the continued and universal objections of the people, to use every effort in his power to have petitions presented to the Prince Regent, with a view to prevent its final enactment. Mr. Huskisson, while he allowed that great attention was due to the numerous petitioners who had approached the House on this subject, contended, that in many instances these petitioners had been misled by statements similar to those in which the chief magistrate of the city of London had chosen to indulge. He maintained that unless the measure were adopted, the people of this country would, ere long, be compelled to eat foreign bread, and to eat it at a dear price. Adverting to the argument which had been deduced by the opponents of the Bill from the fact, that during the late war every effort to prevent naval stores from reaching this country had proved ineffectual, he asserted that it went to establish the necessity of the present measure, for that the price of those naval stores had actually been doubled. He trusted that the good sense of the country would at last submit cheerfully to a measure intended to conciliate all conflicting interests. Sir W. Curtis maintained, that the citizens of London were competent to form their own judgment on this subject, and were not likely to be misled by the statement of any individual. The Lord-mayor might, in the warmth of discussion, have gone somewhat too far in stating that bread would be 16d, when corn was 80s. a quarter. It must be recollected, however, that bread was now near a shilling, when the quarter of wheat was little more than 60s. Mr. W. Smith hoped, that one good effect these discussions would produce, would be to cause the method of taking the assize of bread in London to be very closely considered. He did not object to the principle of the measure, but to the price proposed, of which neither evidence nor reasoning had shown the propriety. He lamented that such should have been the rapidity of the proceedings of the House, that many of the petitions intended to be presented to the Commons, would now find their way to the Peers. Mr. Tierney complained, that Parliament were hastening to a decision on this important subject, while the petitions of the people were yet pouring in upon them. All he wished was, that the question should be more fully investigated, and for that purpose be recommended the hon. gentleman who proposed the amendment, to substitute the second Monday after the Easter recess, as the time of reading the Bill a third time. He was convinced that the House were by no means in possession of sufficient information to enable them to decide correctly on a subject of such difficulty, and at the same time of such importance. None of the witnesses who had been examined before the committee were even asked what they conceived would be a fair protecting price in time of peace. Surveyors had said, that for six or seven years past, they were accustomed to estimate the value of land on the supposition that corn would be at 10s. a bushel. This period was, however, a time of war, and the supposition of that price could hardly be applied to a state of peace. He believed that the great farmers of this country, and a great part of the Janded proprietors, by no means wished for so high a price as 80s. As to Ireland, no man could wish more sincerely than he did for its agricultural improvement. He was convinced that with encouragement, it was capable of becoming the granary of the United Kingdom. The Irish farmers, however, did not demand 80s. as a protecting price; but the evidence was, that about 72 shillings would be a sufficient protection for them. If, then, they only asked 72s. why should we fix 80s.? He had heard no one reason assigned why it should be at that price, in preference to some of the lower prices mentioned by | other gentlemen. He conceived the necessity of this high price to be quite unsupported by evidence or reasoning. Mr. Bathurst rose amidst loud cries for the question, and defended the Bill at considerable length. Mr. Baring opposed it, and said that if the measure should be carried, he would propose two amendments; the one to render it liable to be repealed during the present session, the other to make it coextensive with the Bank Restriction Act. He recommended the hon. mover of the amendment to adopt the suggestion of his right hon. friend near him. Mr. Protheroe however declared, that he had heard nothing to induce him to relinquish or alter his original amendment. The House then divided: ........245 Leader, W. Marryatt, Joseph Methuen, Paul C. Moore, P. Morland, S. B. Madocks, W. A. Nugent, lord Onslow, serj. Palmer, col. Peel, sir R. Philips, G. Portman, E. B. Piggott, sir A. Ridley, sir M. Robinson, A. For Mr. Protheroe's amendment 77 Against it............. Majority List of the Minority. Abercrombie, hon. J. Allan, col. Atkins, ald. Atherley, A. Baring, A. Barclay, C. Babington, T. Butterworth, J. Boughey, sir J. Buller, Mr. Burdett, sir F. Calcraft, J. Calvert, C. Curtis, sir W. Combe, H. C. Courtenay, W. Davis, R. H. Dowdeswell, J. Estcourt, T. G. Ellison, C. Fawcett, H. Finlay, K. Fremantle, W. H. Forbes, C. Farquhar, J. Gascoyne, I. Graham, sir J. Howard, hon. W. Hammersley, H. Hamilton, lord A. Harcourt, J. Harvey, C. Heathcote, sir G. Horne, W. Horner, F. Howorth, H. Jervoise, G. P. Knight, H. G. King, sir J. D. Lambton, J. G. Langton, W. Gore Romilly, sir S. Simeon, sir J. Shaw, sir J. Shaw, B. Shelley, sir T. Smyth, J. Smith, ald. C. Smith, R. St. Paul, H. Smith, A. Taylor, M. A. -168 Tierney, rt. hon. G. Whitbread, S. TELLERS. E. Protheroe. After the Bill had been read a third time, Mr. Portman proposed by way of rider, the substitution of 76s. as the protecting price instead of 80s. On this proposition another division took place. For Mr. Portman's amendment 73 Against it...............................................................213 Majority -141 Mr. Baring next proceeded to make his two motions; the one for rendering the Bill liable to be amended or repealed during the present session, was agreed to; and that for making its duration co-extensive with that of the Bank Restriction Act, was negatived without a division. The Bill was then passed, and at two in the morning the House adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS. think proper to pronounce from being satisfactory to the public, than the appearance of this being treated as a matter where adverse interests existed, and that it was not taken up in the spirit of calm investigation. For in no decision ought their lordships to favour the interests of one class more than another; but they ought to take a general and enlarged view of the interests of all, and the welfare and good of the whole community. It had been truly stated by the noble earl opposite, the last night on which they were assembled, that unless it could be shewn that the measure was for the general good, it ought not to be entertained; and he had thus admitted, that if he could not shew that it was for the interest of the consumer as well as the agriculturist, he would proceed no farther with it. If one interest, however, ought more to be attended to than another in that House, it was that of the most laborious class of the community-the manufacturers: he trusted that even their prejudices would be Earl Grey rose to bring forward his mo- indulged; and he was convinced that the tion for further inquiry into the subject of decision of their lordships, whatever that the Corn laws; a motion which, from an decision might be, would give satisfaction imperious sense of duty alone, he was in- to that part of the community, as that duced to submit to their lordships, and to which was best calculated to produce the which, from the great importance of the good of the whole. He could safely say, subject, he conceived that he had a strong that in order that this character should be claim on their lordships patience. It was established with respect to the present not his intention at present to discuss either proceedings, he had been induced to subthe general principle how far the Legisla-mit the present motion to the attention of ture ought to interfere with the regulation their lordships. He could have no other of the commerce in grain, or even to enter motive than this. On this question, one into any of the details of the measure now of the most important which was ever before the House, any farther than to shew argued within these walls, those friends the imperfect state of the information on whom he valued and looked up to for which their lordships were proceeding to knowledge and instruction, were much decide upon this occasion, and also to shew divided in opinion. With respect to his the necessity of farther inquiry into the own particular interests, if a man might subject. For the second reading of the Bill speak of his own interests in a question now before the House, it would be proper like the present, they were entirely those to reserve both the entering into the gene- of that description of persons by whom ral merits of the Corn laws, and the parti- the present Bill was supported. He could, cular discussion of the subject of that Bill; therefore, have no motive but the obtainand he was persuaded that the House ing satisfactory data on which to proceed would then enter into that discussion with all the calmness and all the temper which such an important subject certainly required. He said all the calmness and all the temper which the subject required, because he had observed that in the discussions which had already taken place on this subject elsewhere, these qualities had not always belonged to them; and he was convinced that nothing could more prevent the decision which their lordships should excepting the elucidation of truth-excepting the attainment of those clear results which could alone make their decision such as to afford satisfaction to their own minds, and have authority over the minds of the public. If they wished their decision to be respected-if they wished the law, (if this Bill should ever pass into a law,) to be cheerfully obeyed, the true way of proceeding ought to be to manifest an anxious desire to investigate this impor tant question in all its bearings, before they came to that decision. port. It was almost unnecessary for him to state, that last year a committee of their lordships was appointed to investigate the present subject, who began to sit on the 13th of June, and continued to the 25th of July, in all six weeks, when they made their Report to the House. Knowing the persons who composed that committee, he was persuaded that neither pains nor diligence was spared by them, and he knew that they had communicated much valuable information to the House: but in producing this information they them selves were aware that it was not complete; and it was incontestable that they not only admitted that farther evidence was necessary, but expressly recommended to the House, that they should not proceed to legislate on a subject of so much importance without making farther inquiry, and obtaining that knowledge on subjects on which they were defective. The Report of the committee was fresh in the recollection of their lordships, but he was induced, on this occasion, to quote their expressions:-" Upon these principles your committee have proceeded in the investigation of this important subject; and though conscious that their labours have not been productive of all the information that they could have wished to have laid before your lordships, yet they are not without hopes, that their proceed In a question like the present, on which the greatest number of petitions had been presented, that had ever, perhaps, been known in the history of parliament, the petitioners uniformly stating that the measure would have the effect of preventing a cheap supply of food to the labouring classes, it was their duty to examine into the subject with the utmost diligence and impartiality. The petitioners might possibly be labouring under a mistake-their feelings might have been improperly excited, and the views taken by them might be unfounded; but the true corrective of this evil would be to go into a dispassionate inquiry into the subject, and not to seem as if they had come to the decision of the question with minds already made up and determined. If the people were right in their views, they had a claim on their lordships to interfere in protecting them from the injury which they apprehended -if they were wrong, it was their lordships paramount duty to endeavour to enlighten their judgments, and to shew at least that they had themselves examined the subject. Let them not imagine that the discontent, if it existed, could be suppressed by any appearance of conduct indicating that they proceeded with undue precipitation, as if they were determined to pass a measure on which they had them-ings will, at least, have the effect of selves made up their minds, and to shut the door to every objection and every call for information. This course, he was persuaded, it was the duty of their lordships to follow; and the question, therefore, this night was, whether, in point of fact, there existed a case sufficient to make the inquiry which he called for necessary; whether, in the discussions both in that House and elsewhere, in debates and pamphlets, in the amplitude of documents, in the voluminous evidence which had been adduced, the subject was not yet sufficiently elucidated; and whether there still remained on any point a want of information which could justly be required, and which ought to induce their lordships to stay their opinion, with a view to the farther investigation and elucidation of the question. On this subject he had little more to do, than to refer to the Report of the committee of their lordships; for, with a view to consistency, their lordships were bound to adopt the recommendation with which the committee concluded that Re proving, in the most authentic manner, their anxious desire to execute fairly and impartially the duties confided to their charge: being persuaded that your lordships sole object in this inquiry, and in any other that you may institute, is to obtain such a body of information as to enable you, hereafter, to judge of the regulations which it may be proper to adopt, for securing to the public an adequate supply of grain at the lowest price that may be found consistent with the necessary encouragement of its growth." And the committee afterwards added, "At the same time they are so fully impressed with the necessity of producing further evidence upon some parts of the question, in order to render the investigation complete, that they cannot avoid anticipating your lordships opinion on the propriety of resuming the inquiry in a future session, and before any alteration takes place in laws affecting the interests both of the growers and consumers of corn in this kingdom." This was, in July 1844, the opinion of their lordships committee, |