merely for delay, would apply to cases where special interest was concerned, as well as to others. For example, on a measure affecting the woollen trade, every village, every individual concerned in that manufacture might petition to be heard; but the House, in its sound discretion, would interfere to frustrate their intentions. It was that discretion only which should be the rule of their conduct; and in the present case sufficient reasons had been adduced to show that the petitioners should be heard.

The House divided: Contents, 11; Non-Contents, 59: Majority against hearing counsel, 48.

CORN BILL.] The House then went into a Committee on the Corn Bill.

The Earl of Liverpool spoke in favour of 80s. as the best protecting price.

Lord Grenville proposed as an amendment 72s. instead of SOs. as a price ferable to the other.

The Earl of Lauderdale said, that the evidence before the committee was from men of almost every county of England, who had all spoken to 80s. or a higher price, as proper for a protection.

Lord Grey said, the value of money was a question, which, according to his noble friend's own principle, should be attended to. In the last year the price of gold was 31. 11s. now it was only 41. 8s.; the nominal sum of 80s., if gold, would be of much greater real value when gold was 47. 8s. than when gold was 51. 11s. Besides, according to the evidence before the House, if 80s. was the sum at which the farmer would be remunerated, it was not necessary that the protecting price should be so high. Because the evidence was, that the Baltic wheat could not be imported at less than 63s., and it was at least twenty shillings worse than good English wheat. The Dutch wheat, which the witnesses had seen, was much worse, and it was to be recollected, that from Holland half of the late importations had taken place. Therefore there was no necessity at all events for so high a protecting price as 80s.

The Earl of Lauderdale remarked, that not one witness beside Mr. Mant had spoken for a price below 80s.

Earl Grey said, that before the Commons committee not only Mr. Mant, but Mr. Maxwell had stated that 72s. would protect the farmer; and Mr. Driver being closely questioned, made an admission to the same effect.

The Earl of Harrowby took a review of the different plans which at various times had been suggested and employed for fixing the average price of corn, and contended that the present mode of taking the average from the returns of the twelve districts was, of all others, the least liable to objection or fraudulent abuses. He did not think it worth while, therefore, for the sake of any speculation, to change a system with which the country was acquainted; and it was proved from the papers before their lordships, that very little difference existed between the prices of the maritime districts and the London market, upon the average of the last ten years. He denied that the price of the quartern loaf would be 16d. if wheat were at 80s. a quarter. With regard to the clause, it was altogether unknown to attempt to regulate the introduction of foreign corn by the price of the quartern loaf; and if it were adopted, it would put it into the hands of half a dozen individuals to determine whether they would have foreign corn imported or not.

Lord Grenville said, that the whole speech of his noble friend only proved that the measure itself, upon which they were then legislating, was an attempt to do that which it was impossible to do, viz. to regulate the importation of foreign corn by the prices of home corn. He still

contended, however, that the price of 80s. in the maritime districts would inflict upon the interior of the country a price considerably higher. The object of his clause was in reference to the peculiar condition in which London stood as to the price of bread. All he wished was to secure the consumer from the operation of the intended law, when it did not operate to his benefit.

The Earl of Lauderdale said, that of all modes of fixing the occasion under which foreign corn should be admitted, that of determining it by the price of bread was most objectionable. With regard to the assize, he thought it would be better if it were wholly removed.

The Marquis of Buckingham supported the clause, as the only mode of preventing the price of bread from rising beyond what the quartern loaf ought to be when the quarter of wheat was at 80s.

The Earl of Darnley objected to the clause on account of the very defective manner in which the assize was fixed in the city of London.

Lord Grenville said, that the clause did not rest upon the assize as now taken, but had reference to future legislative provisions upon that subject, which he hoped would be adopted.

Earl Stanhope observed, that they who objected to the clause did not know the difference between bread and flour, and wanted to throw dust into their lordships eyes.

The clause was then negatived without a division, and the third reading of the Bill was fixed for Monday.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, March 17.

COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY-MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES.] The House resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, in which various sums for Miscellaneous Services were voted. On the motion," that 20,000l. be granted to be applied in further execution of the Act of the 43rd of his Majesty, towards making roads and building bridges in the Highlands of Scotland for the year 1815," The Speaker, being one of the commissioners under the act of parliament to superintend the erection of bridges and the making of roads in the Highlands of Scotland, wished to state the proceeding which had taken place under that Act. The effect produced by the Act was, that

460 miles of road had been made; 270 miles were contracted for; and 170 miles were under consideration, and would be made, if found to be of sufficient public advantage, and if the parties benefitted would advance one moiety of the money at which the expense was estimated. Several stone and iron bridges, of great span, had also been erected; so that there was an uninterrupted road along the East coast of Scotland, with many branches towards the Western parts, towards the fisheries and cattle country. The money appropriated to harbours had been expended on nine different harbours, chiefly on the East coast of Scotland, so that that sea could not now be considered, as it was of old, mare importuosum. The expense to the country had been 150,000l. To individuals it had been the same: the expense being by the Act divided into equal moieties between the country and persons interested. Of the 70,000% expended on bridges, 40,000l. had been expended by individuals; 30,000l. only by the public: the excess above the estimate, which was greatest in the case of the bridges, being always paid by the individuals. Of the sum paid for harbours, 18,000l, was by the public; 22,000l. by individuals. The future charge would, it was believed, be concluded in two years more. The works now in progress had been hitherto provided for by the moiety paid by individuals, which was always deposited, before the work commenced, in the Bank of Scotland. After two years there might be some expenditure under the County Assessment Act, by which the four northern counties were authorized to assess themselves to a certain amount: but this could only be in one county, viz. Ross, the others being pledged already to the amount of the sum thus empowered to raise. As to the repairs, the expense was in the proportion of onefourth to the public, and three-fourths to the individual, and the counties had been induced to contribute to such military roads as were of general benefit; the expense would be yearly 2,500l. for the repair of all the roads, being short of that which attended the repair of military roads alone.

Mr. Wynn thought, that if such large sums of public money were to be given to keep up the roads in the Highlands of Scotland, Parliament should also consider whether something ought not to be given to keep up and repair the roads in the mountainous parts of Wales, which lay in

Sir John Newport thought, that the road to Ireland should be as much attended to by the Parliament of the United Kingdom, as the roads through the Highlands of Scotland. As to the roads in Ireland, they were well kept up by county assessments.

Mr. W. Smith thought that every case ought to stand on its own legs. He had no objection to voting the sum proposed, and afterwards, if a proper case was made out, he should see no objection to a similar vote for roads in Wales, where it was evident that the roads would not be so beneficial to the districts immediately adjoining, as that they could be fairly called upon to pay the whole expense of them.

On the motion, "That 50,000%. be granted towards defraying the expense of making an Inland Navigation from the Eastern to the Western Sea by Inverness and Fort William for the year 1815,"

The Speaker stated, that he was in his official capacity in the commission under the Act, in pursuance of which this sum was proposed to be voted: the purpose was to make navigable a communication of about 50 or 60 miles, between the two places in question, which would open a navigable communication between the Eastern and Western Sea. The original estimate was 500,000l., the sum expended was 512,000l., and the sum at which the whole expense was now estimated was 700,000l. The work would probably be completed in three years after the present year. There was now no doubt as to the possibility of making Lochness navigable, moorings being judiciously disposed; and from the invention of steam-boats, the communication could be made with as much certainty as on a turnpike road. The advantage of opening the communication would be, that the cost of tonnage from the Baltic to Liverpool, the port chiefly interested, and the western coast, at the rate of 88. a ton in summer, and a greater proportion in winter, the rate of insurance would be lessened, and time would be saved. There were now 10 or 12 vessels wrecked every season in passing round the north coast; the number of lives saved by the communication, which rendered that dangerous navigation unnecessary, was of incalculable value.

Mr. Abercrombie said, as Parliament had originally agreed to this speculation, there could be no doubt of the propriety of Voting the sum now required to carry it

Sir Gilbert Heathcote wished to take this. opportunity of expressing his concurrence in what had fallen from his hon. friend (Mr. Whitbread) on a former evening, as to the impropriety of this country taking any part in the present disturbances in France. Whether Napoleon or Louis was at the head of the French government, he thought we ought to preserve relations of amity with that country, and not again plunge into a new war. Having said so much, he would not bore the House with any further observations.

Mr. Arbuthnot explained that this grant was not for French emigrants, but for French Protestant Clergymen who had been driven to this country by the revoca tion of the edict of Nantes.

On the motion, that 25,0681. be granted for defraying the expense of the establishment of the Royal Naval Asylum,

Mr. Whitbread said, that this large item he believed had originated in a voluntary contribution, by which the institution was at first established, being afterwards taken under the auspices of Government. On going over the sums of which this total of 25,0681. was composed, he found, that to a person for auditing the accounts, no less a salary was given than 300l. per annum. He could not help thinking, considering the sum to be audited, that this was a most enormous charge. The situation he thought was made for the man, and not the man for the situation. On going further, he found another charge of fifty-two guineas for hair-cutting. He thought some barber could be procured for this sum, who would work all day long, but in all probability he occasionally lent a hand to the auditor.

Mr. Arbuthnot said, the auditor was a clergyman, and assisted the chaplain of the institution in the execution of his duties.

Mr. Whitbread was at a loss to know what a clergyman had to do with auditing accounts.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that the gentleman in question had been extremely useful in the formation of the institution.

Sir John Newport observed, that this clergyman, in addition to being auditor of the institution, was also auditor of the

accounts of the non-resident clergy, being himself the incumbent of two livings in Ireland, on which he never resided.

Mr. Arbuthnot said, that the gentleman had lost his livings in Ireland by attending to his duty as auditor of accounts.

Mr. Fitzgerald stated, that Dr. Clarke had ceased to possess the benefit of his Irish livings.

Mr. Whitbread thought that 300l. a year, with a residence, coals, candles, &c. was too much for the auditor. He was quite sure a salary of 100l. a year, without perquisites, would be deemed amply sufficient by a competent person. Why was there a governor with 7601. a year? Indeed, from the beginning to the end, from the governor to the 50l. a year barber, all appeared to him a job.

Mr. Croker said, the governor was selected from the list of meritorious naval captains, and the emoluments were not greater than his pay, if on actual service. The auditor was the only person not selected from those who had served in the navy. So far as he was acquainted with the Society, (and from his situation, he was a governor,) he denied it was a job. It was a fair provision for meritorious naval characters, and at the same time a useful asylum for the children of seamen. He was willing to admit that the institution was objectionable, from the admission to it being so general, he having a strong dislike to see the children of officers on the same level with those of common sailors, in the system of their education. With reference to the duties of the auditor, they embraced the inspection of larger sums than the 25,000l. in the estimates. The present auditor was also one of the founders of the institution.

Mr. Whitbread said he was then one of the happy founders who drew a benefit from his labours. The school was intended for 1,000 children. How many were actually there at present? From what the Secretary of the Admiralty had said, he (Mr. W.) thought a committee should be appointed to inquire into the management of the School, as it was stated by that hon. gentleman to be evidently defective.

Mr. Croker did not mean to go so far as the hon. gentleman insinuated, in his objection to the system; but he thought it wrong that the children of officers and seamen should be associated together in the institution. The numbers which the school establishment embraced were, 700 boys, and 300 girls. The former were

there at present; in the latter, he believed there might be some deficiency. Such an establishment must evidently be useful.

Sir C. Pole conceived the establishment improper, from the irresponsible enormous expenditure which was lavished without control, in its buildings.

Mr. Arbuthnot had no objection to the proposed committee; but he would suggest to its proposer to pay the asylum a visit during the Easter recess, and satisfy himself, respecting the establishment. The auditor neglected his Irish livings to attend to this institution, and he therefore conceived the salary not exorbitant. The Resolution was pro tempore withdrawn.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Monday, March 20.

PETITIONS RELATING ΤΟ THE CORN LAWS.] The House was occupied for nearly two hours in receiving petitions on the subject of the Corn laws.

Viscount Melville presented a petition from the city of Edinburgh in favour of the measure. He then presented petitions from certain of the incorporated trades in Edinburgh, and from several other places in Scotland against the measure. Among these was a petition from the town of Forfar. His lordship stated that the petition was on one skin of parchment, and the names of the petitioners on the other skins.

The Earl of Lauderdale could not suffer the petition to pass, without stating to their lordships the contents of a letter which he had received, signed with the names of two gentlemen, whom he could take upon himself to represent as among the most respectable in the county of Forfar, though he would not mention them, lest the circumstance of their writing to him on such an occasion might be attended with disagreeable consequences to them. The letter stated, that the House of Lords ought to be apprised that this petition could hardly be considered as the free and unbiassed opinions of those who signed it; that violence and intimidation had been used by the mob to procure signatures; that persons riding through the town had been compelled to sign it; that the mob had assailed a clergyman residing in the neighbourhood, with abuse and mud, be

cause

he refused to sign on compulsion, even though he might be adverse to the Corn Bill; and that though he had sent